Skip to main content

Full text of "Archaeologia, or, Miscellaneous tracts relating to antiquity"

See other formats





















I. Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum, Parts III. IV. By ARTHUR JOHN 

EVANS, F.S.A. 1167 

II. Architectural Feature* of the. City of Ardea. Uy JOHN HENRY PARKEU, 

C.P,., Hon. M.A. Oxon., F.8.A. 168179 

III. Typical Specimens of Cornish Pxirroir^. !>// WILLIAM COPELAND 

BORLASE, M.P., F.S.A. 181198 

IV. On the Series of Wall Paintings in the Church of St. Mary, Guildford. 


V. The Ancient Charters of the City of Winchester, liy THOMAS FKEDERICK 

KIRRY, M.A. 21.1218 

VI. On. the ivords " O Sapientia " in the Kalendar. liy EVERARD GREEN, 

F.S.A., Hon. Member of the Spaldiny Society 219242 



Researches in Illyricum. 

I. Map of Dardania and the South part of Roman Dalmatia 

between 4 5 

Fragment of a Figure of Diana, Blazui, near Serajevo It) 

Engraved Gem from Bosnia (chalcedony) 21 

do. do. (carbuncle) - 22 

Monograms on the Coins of Theodoric 22 

Sepulchral Monuments at Plevlje - 26, 28 

Plan of Plevlje and neighbourhood - 2!) 

Fragments of an Inscription at Avdovina 30 

Altar to Silvanus 31 

Illyro-Roman Sepulchral Slab 34 

Sepulchral Monument at Sveti Ilija - 3."> 

Dedication to Cassar, Diadumenian - 3(> 

Votive Altar to Jupiter at Sveti Ilija 37 

Stamps on Roman Tiles at Sveti Ilija 4] 

Illyro-Romaii Monument near Podpec 42 

Roman Milestone on the Cicia Polje - 43 

Inscription at Kolovrat, near Prijepolje 44 

The " Suhi Most " - 49 

Plan of the Bath-buildings of Banja, near Novipazar - 50 

Interior of the Piscina of Banja 51 

Exterior of do. 52 

The Petrova Crkva, near Novipazar - 53 

Roman Sarcophagus at Kadiacki, Han 56 

Two Inscriptions at Lipljan - 59 

Two Altars to Jupiter at Lower Gustarica - GO 



Researches in Illyricum continued. 

Monument from Lipljan, now at Pristina 
Roman Sarcophagus at Pristina 

Ground Plan of Byzantine Church at Lipljan 64 

Elevation of same Church 65 

Sepulchral Inscription at Prisren 67 

Roman Sepulchral Slab at Dzerzan - 68 

Votive Column in honour of Severus at Old Kacanik 73 

Monument to the God " Andinus " 74 

Milestone of yEmilian, near Kacanik - 75 
Milliary Column of Marcus Aurelius and Constantine, near 

Bles Han 77 
II. Map of the neighbourhood of Scupi - between 82-83 

Comnenian Dedication of Church at Naresi - 96 
Monument at Markov Manastir 
Sepulchral Slab at Dolnji Sulna 
Two Sepulchral Inscriptions at Govarljevo - 

Part of an Altar to Fortuna - 100 

Roman Altar to Jupiter at Ibrahimovce 105 

Altar dedicated to Hercules Conservator 109 
Inscription discovered at Hassanbeg referring to Colony of 

Scupi - 111 
Inscription discovered at Kuceviste of " Veteranus 

deductions" 112 

Monument from Brazda 113 

do. Nekistan 113 
Inscription from Kuceviste, mentioning decree of Ordo 

Scupensis 114 

Honorary Dedication to Gallienus from Davina 115 
Inscription found on site of Scupi 

Altar with Greek Inscription found at Uskiip 121 
Inscription found at Ljubanze 

Altar of Silvanus at Uskiip - 121 

Monument of a Miles Frumentarius - 122 

Military Titulus at Mirkovce 123 

Legionary Monument to a Cornicularius 123 



Researches in Illyricum continued. 

Inscription from Neresi - - 125 

Greek and Thraco-Roman Inscriptions from Salonica - 126-127 

Sepulchral Inscriptions from Scupi - ... 128-132 

Inscriptions at Taor - ... 144-5 

Plan of Roman Remains near St. Ilija, Taor - - 145 

Kurshumli Han, Skopia ... 147 

The Aqueduct of Skopia - 150 

Arches of the Old Bezestan, Skopia - - 151 

Inscription at Kumanovo - - 154 

Plan of Roman Remains at Zlata 158 

Inscriptions at Nish - 161 

Inscription at Bela-Palanka, Remesiana - 162 

Roman Christian Inscription, Remesiana 164 

Bronze Corona, Cross, and Lamp at Pirot - 167 

The City of Ardea. 

III. i. Plan of the City 

ii. Section looking south 

IV. Two views of the walls }> between 172-3 
V. i. Exterior of the City Gate - 

ii. Interior of the walls 
Cornish Barrows. 

Karn Leskys - 183 

Types of pottery 184 

Karn Creis - 186 

Beads found - 188 

Button found 189 

VI. Barrow at Ballowall, St. Just between 190-1 

VII. Barrow at Tregaseal, St. Just between 194-5 
VIII. South-East View of Chapel-Karn-Brea, St. Just J 
IX. Cairn with Cists, Chapel-Karn-Brea, St. Just ( 

Church of St. Mary's, Guildford. 

X. Wall Paintings between 202-3 

XI. "Wall Paintings between 206-7 

Ancient Charters of the City of Winchester. 

XII. Charters of Henry II. to the Citizens between 214-5 





I. Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum, III, and IV. Communicated by ARTHUR 


Read March 8, 1883, and March 20, 1884. 




5. Interior lines indicated by Roman Milestones found at SALONS. 

6. Large exploitation of Dalmatian gold mines under the Empire. 

8. Importance of SALONS as seat of the Provincial Office of Mines, Imperial Treasury, and 


12. Traces of ancient gold-washings on Mount Rosinj. 

13. Mining industry of the Illyrian tribe of the Piruste: utilized in Dacia. 

14. Road connexion between Salonse and ore-bearing ranges of the interior of Illyricum. 

16. Discovery of site of Roman Municipium at Blazui on the Plain of Serajevo. 

17. Dlyro-Roman monuments on neighbouring height of Crkvica. 

17. Thermal source : mining and commercial importance of the position ; suggested identification 

of site with the AD MATRICEM of the Tabula Peutingeriana. 
20. Survival of ancient architectural features in Turkish Bosnia. 


21. Inscribed gem of apparently Celtic workmanship. 

22. Carbuncle intaglio presenting monogram of Ostrogothic King Theodoric. 

23. Roman Municipium at Gorazda. 

24. Traces of Illyrian aborigines on Mount Kovac. 

25. Site of important Municipium near Plevlje ; existing monuments and inscriptions. 

30. Altar of Silvanus. 

3 1 . Illyro-Roman hill station of St. Elias or Sveti Ilija. 

32. Traces of prse- Roman sepulture, and indigenous character of the names and monuments. 

33. Survival of Illyro-Roman ornamental traditions on Old Serbian sepulchral blocks. 

37. Monument containing a dedication to a Procurator Augustorwn by the local Populus. 

38. On the region occupied by the Illyrian mining race of the PirustEe. 

42. Roman site and inscription at Podpec. 

43. Course of Roman road from Plevlje to the Lim Valley : discovery of Milestone. 

44. Site of Municipium near Prijepolje. 

44. Altar of Diana and inscription mentioning civic officers. 

45. .Further course of the Way towards Novipazar. 

46. Roman Milestone on the " Montagna di Morlacco." 

46. Morlachs, or " Black Latins " descendants of the Roman Provincials. 

47. Rouman character of Dardanian local names given by Procopius. 
49. Ancient bridge called Suhi Most, and remains of embanked Way. 
49. Thermce of Banja, near Novipazar. 

51. Bath-chamber over the hot springs there, resembling early-Christian baptistery. 

53. Round church of late Roman construction. 

54. The ancient Ras identified with the Arsa of Procopius. 

55. Thermce at Banjska. 

56. Monument referring to Municipium formerly existing at the foot of the medieval Montagna 


57. Importance of the site, as one of the principal mining centres of the Peninsula. 

58. Inscriptions on the Kossovo Polje. 

58. Lipljan the ancient VLPIANA. 

59. Its Roman inscriptions. 

59. Altars of Jupiter. 

60. Inscriptions at Pristina. 

61. Ancient remains, mining and metal- working industry at Janjevo. 

62. Importance of Ulpiana in late-Roman and ecclesiastical history. 

63. Justiniana Secunda. 

63. St. Floras and St. Laurus. 

64. Byzantine Church of Lipljan. 

65. Notes on the road-line Lissus-Vlpiana-Naissus. 
65. Roman Way across North Albanian Alps. 


66. Antiquities of Metochia. 

66. Roman inscription at Prisren. 

67. Inscription referring to Fourth Legion from bridge of Svajan. 

68. Roman sites and inscriptions near Ipek. 

69. Ancient silver-mining industry. 

69. Proofs of former existence of Rouman indigenous population on plain of Metochia. 

71. Roman monuments at Kacanik. 

72. Votive Altar for welfare of Septimius Severus and Consorts. 

73. Altar of unknown Illyrian god, ANDINVS. 

74. MiUiarium of ^Emilian. 

75. Roman Way through Kacanik Pass to site of SCVPI. 

76. Milliary column of Marcus Aurelius and Constantino. 






Shewing tfte; Course' of 'the Jbicient'Ways ; and the' 
Cfes where' Jiomati/ -Rerrutinj Jutves been ck#coverecL/- 


rs onais Observation,. 

of'Rvmafi Ifunitifiia/ and Stations 

Sites friw&Jfonian/Remains have been discovered; _____ # * 
Momarv Roads ..... _ 

Conjectural; course of'KamanJlocuiU 

Ancient Thermal? Stations- 

' vf Reman. Miles. 





HITHERTO we have been concerned with the Dalmatian coast-cities and the great 
parallel lines of road that traversed the length of the Province from the borders of 
Pannonia and Italy to those of Epirus. From Salonse there were, in addition to 
these highways to the North and South, at least two main-lines of Roman Way 
that traversed the interior ranges of the Dinaric Alps and led to the Moesian and 
Dardanian a borders that lay to the East and South-East. Milliary columns have 
been found at Salonas, one b recording the completion by Tiberius' Legate Dolabella 
of a line of road leading from the Colony of Salonas to a mountain stronghold of 
the Ditiones an Illyrian clan probably inhabiting what is now the North-East 
region of Bosnia ; another, also of Tiberius' time, referring to the construction of 
a line, 156 miles in extent, from Salonae to a Castellum of the Daesitiates, an Illyrian 
clan belonging to the Conventus or administrative district of Narona, and whose 
stronghold, according to the mileage given, must be sought somewhere on the 
Upper Drina, towards the Moesian and Dalmatian confines. This latter line may 
very well be that represented in the Tabula Peutingeriana as leading from Salonae 
to Argentaria, a name which seems to connect itself with the silver-bearing 
ranges lying on the uncertain boundary of the ancient Dalmatia and Dardania, 
and which, from its mineral riches, was still known in the Middle Ages as Monte, 

a Dardania, under the earlier Empire a part of Upper Mcesia, forms from the end of the third 
century a separate Province. 

" C. I. L. iii. 3198 (and cf. 3199). 
" C. I. L. iii. 3201. 

6 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

I shall have occasion to describe a succession of important Roman sites along 
this route, coupled with other traces, which tend to show that an avenue of com- 
nmnication was opened out on this side by Roman engineering between the 
Dalmatian cities and the central Dardanian plains, and which finally, through the 
pass of KaCanik, brought them into connexion with the Macedonian road-system. 
Meanwhile it may be well to point out the great economic importance of the high- 
road connecting the Dalmatian capital with the chief mineral centres of the 
interior, not only to Salona? itself but to the Roman World. 

The Illyrian highlanders, and notably the Southern tribe of the Pirustse, had 
shown themselves skilful miners in their own Alps before the Roman Conquest. 
Augustus, on the reduction of the Dalmatae, the race whose valour finally trans- 
ferred their name to a large part of the original Illyrian area, "compelled," we 
are told, " this savage race to dig mines and extract gold from the veins of the 
rock." a But it was only the comprehensive scheme of road-making carried into 
effect by Tiberius' enterprising Legate that could have paved the way for the vast 
development of gold production that took place in the succeeding Age, and which 
for a time made Dalmatia the Eldorado of the Empire. By Nero's time Pliny 
informs us that fifty pounds weight of gold was daily extracted from the Dalmatian 
mines, representing an annual sum of between eight and nine hundred thousand 
pounds of our money. From Pliny's statement it woiild appear that this Dalmatian 
gold was in his day largely obtained from the surface of the ground, 1 " and the 
cost of collection was no doubt diminished, as in Dacia and elsewhere, by the large 
employment of slave labour. It is probable, moreover, that a good deal was 
gathered by independent gold-washers, or auri leguli, who afterwards handed in 
the proceeds of their toil to the local officers of mines, and were remunerated on a 
regulation scale : an arrangement still in force in Transylvania, where the gipsies 
pursue this ancient industry on the sites of the Daco-Roman gold- works. Modern 

a Florus, iv. 12. 

b Pliny, H. N. xxxiii. 21. "Aurum .... invenitur aliquando in summa tellure protinus, rara 
felicitate : ut nuper in Dalmatia, principatu Neronis, singulis diebus etiam quinquagenas libras 

Dr. Julius Jung, Earner und Bomanen, p. 34 seqq. has collected the existing records of the 
Roman administration of Mines in Dacia, from which we may supplement our knowledge of the 
same administration in Dalmatia. The chief control was in the hands of a Procurator Aurariarum. 
Under him were various officers, such as tabularii, or treasurers, dispensatores, paymasters, and others. 
The exploitation was conducted by slaves condemned ad metalla, of whom there may have been 
20,000, and by independent leguli aurariarum. Cf. Karl Gooss, Innerverhaltnisse des Trajanischen 
Daciens, Excurs. I. Die GoldbergwerJce. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 7 

critics, indeed, have accused Pliny of exaggerating the amount obtained from 
these Dalmatian gold-fields.* But it is probable that writers who appeal to the 
short-comings of ancient mechanical skill, have neither taken into adequate 
account the cheapness of such labour as was supplied, for instance, by the forty 
thousand slaves in the mines of Carthagena, nor realised the resources of Roman 
enterprise, which, as we know in Spain and elsewhere, undermined whole 
mountain sides" in order to expose the auriferous strata, and conducted streams 
by artificial channels a hundred miles in length for the purpose of washing 
the gold ore. It would appear that in Dalmatia, besides the surface workings 
alluded to, the other gold-mining processes described by Pliny of digging 
shafts and excavating vast underground galleries were largely resorted to. The 
poet Statius, writing in Domitian's time, deplores the long tarrying of his friend 
Junius Maximus among the Dalmatian mountains, where the miner penetrates to 
the Nether World, " and with visions of Dis upon him returns as pale and jaundiced 
as the gold he has dragged forth.'" 1 Nothing indeed in the experience of modern 
pitmen can approach the horrors of those ancient gold mines, 6 where, by the 

* To Fetter, for instance (Dalmazien, B. i. p. 24 note), it is incomprehensible that the annual gold 
production of Roman Dalmatia should have been six times as great as that of modern Hungary, and 
that it should have rivalled in amount that of the South American goldfields. " Bedenkt man ferner 
dass der Bergbau zu den Romerzeiten noch auf den untersten Stufen stand, da den Romem alle 
Hilfsmittel der Jetztzeit wie z. B. Schiesspulver, hydraulische Maschinen, Dampfmaschinen, u. 8. w. 
unbekannt war en." 

b " Moiis fractus cadit ab sese longe, fragore qui concipi humana mente non possit. . . . Spectant 
victores ruinam natures .... Alius par labor, ac vel majoris impendii, flumina ad lavandam hanc 
ruinam jugis montium ducere obiter a centesimo plerumque lapide. Corrugos vocant, a corrivatione 
credo." (Pliny, xxxiii. 21.) The word ruina, in the sense of " landslip" or " talus," has been preserved 
in the form Riifein among the Germanized " Ladine " population of the ancient Rsetia. The local 
names Runovic, Runic, associated in several cases with Roman sites in Slavonic Illyria, may suggest 
a comparison. 

c Loc. cit. " Alio modo puteorum scrobibus effoditur . . . vagantur venarum canales per latem 
puteorum ; tellusque ligneis columnis suspenditur." 

d Silrarum, 1. iv. c. 7. Ad Maximum Junium : 

" Quando te dulci Latio remittent 
Dalmatse montes, ubi, Dite vise, 
Pallidus fossorredit, erutoque 
Concolor auro ?" 

The idea has been borrowed by Silius Italicus (1. i. 231) and by Claudian, who applies the epithet 
*' Pallentes " to the Bessian miners. 

c " Cuniculis per magna spatia actis cavantur montes ad lucernarum lumina. Eadem mensura 
vigiliarum est, multisque mensibus non cemitur dies." Pliny, loc. cit. who proceeds to describe the 

8 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

light of open iron lamps (the Eoman shape, material, and name of which are 
still preserved in the Dalmatian Alps),* the slave-gangs worked for months at a 
time without seeing the light of day. Even were there not preserved to us the 
definite statements of ancient writers as to the magnitude of the Roman gold-mining 
operations in the ancient Dalmatia, the fact might be sufficiently inferred by the 
existing traces of some of the works, and by the ruins of flourishing cities in the 
wild Bosnian interior, which, like those that sprung up amidst the most sterile 
Sierras of Eoman Spain, must have owed their rise and fortunes in a great degree 
to the exploitation of the mineral wealth of the province. 

Of this golden harvest Salonae now became the principal garner. It was not 
without reason that Martial congratulates his friend Macer, transferred as 
Governor from Spain to Dalmatia, on his approaching arrival at " long-shored 
Salonas " and the Land of Gold. 

" Ibis litoreas Macer Salonas. 
Felix aurifera colone terrse." b 

To this City the proceeds of the gold-fields of the Dalmatian interior were 
transported by the newly-opened roads. It was here that the imperial officers 
resided whose function it was to direct the working of the provincial gold mines, 
and amongst whom a Commentariensis Aurariarum Dalmatarum and Dispensator 
or paymaster are mentioned in an inscription from this site. At the time when 
the Notitia Dignitatum was drawn up Salonae appears as the seat of an Imperial 
Treasury/ and the abundant supply of the " Dalmatian ore " seems to have 

risks which the miners ran from falls of rock and explosions of fire-damp. The ore was passed on 
from one gang to another, whole days and nights being consumed in the mere process of transmis- 
sion : only the last lot of workmen saw the light. 

a In the mountains of Montenegro and the adjoining Herzegovinian and South Dalmatian high- 
lands I have observed iron lamps known as Lukijernar (= lucernarius) of a form precisely similar to 
that found in Roman mines. The shape has survived in other European countries, but the remark- 
able thing here is that both shape and name should have been preserved amongst a Slav-speaking 
population. In the Eagusan dialect the name Lukijernar has also survived, but the lamps have lost 
the characteristic form preserved by the highlanders. I have already alluded to the significance of 
the survival of the "k" sound in "Lukijernar" and other similar fragments of the Dalmato- Roman 
provincial dialect among the present inhabitants. 

" Martial, Ep. lib. x. 78. 

c C. I. L. iii. 1997. 

A Not. Occidents, c. x. " Prsepositus Thesaurorum Salonitarum Dalmatiee." Cf. C. I. L. 1992, 
1993, 1994. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 9 

favoured the growth of a native artistic industry, the traditions of which may, 
indeed, be said never to have passed away from the East Adriatic shores. Gold 
ornaments found at Salonse and other Illyrian sites rank among the treasures of 
the Antiken Kabinet at Vienna, some of which are executed in a peculiar style of 
filigree work, which, when, compared with other specimens from this site (one of 
which I have been enabled to lay before this Society), indicate the existence of a 
Salonitan speciality of gold filigree-work. In their prevailing features, the con- 
ventional amorini and filigree rosettes, these Salonitan jewels greatly resemble 
many similar ornaments from Southern Italy and elsewhere ; but, from the 
frequency of their occurrence on the site of the great Dalmatian city, and from 
certain barbaresque nuances of style, and, notably, a tendency to diverge from 
natural forms into ornamental developments, we may be allowed to claim for them 
a local origin. 

Statius uses the " Dalmatian ore " as a poetic equivalent for gold itself , a but 
the mineral exploitation of the province was not by any means confined to the 
gold workings. The Station Argentaria on the Tabula speaks for itself as regards 
silver mines, and the iron ore, which occurs in great abundance in the Dinaric 
ranges of the interior, formed another fertile source of Dalmatian prosperity. A 
late Roman geographer mentions the large export of iron from Dalmatia; b and in 
the sixth century we find the Ostrogothic King Theodoric entrusting a fiscal 
official in Dalmatia with a special commission to inspect the iron mines of the 
province and develope their working. It was, perhaps, to pay the auri leguli and 
that part of the workmen who were not slaves, and generally to facilitate the 
petty traffic amongst the large mining population which this manifold exploitation 
of mineral wealth in Dalmatia and its borderlands called into being, that, under 
Trajan and Hadrian, and apparently Marcus Aurelius, an issue of small bronze 

Statius, Sylvarum, 1. 2 ; Epithalamium Stella} et Violantillce, v. 154 (referring to the Chamber 
of Venus) : 

" Robora Dalmatico lucent satiata metallo." 
b Expositio totius mundi. (Geog. Lat. Min. ed. Riese, p. 119.) 

" Dalmatia . . . ferrum habundans emittit." 

c Cassiodorus, Variarum, lib. iii. Ep. 25 ; Simeoni V. I. Comiti, Theodoricus Bex " Prseterea 

ferrarias venas predict Dalmatiee cuniculo te veritatis jubemus inquirere, ubi rigorem f erri parturit 
terrena mollicies, et igni decoquitur, ut in duritiem transferatur. Hinc, auxiliante Deo, defensio 
patriffi venit: hinc agrorum utilitas procuratur, et in usus humanse vitee multiplici commoditate porri- 
gitur. Auro ipsi imperat et servire cogit loeupletes constanter armatis. Convenit itaque hanc 
speciem diligenti indagatione rimari, per quam et nobis lucra generantur et hostibus procurantur 
exitia." Cf. Ep. 26. Osuni, V. I. Gomiti, Theodoricus Bex. 

10 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricit/m. 

pieces was struck with legends referring to the mines of this and the adjoining 
Illyrian provinces. 81 These pieces, if not, as has been sometimes advanced, struck 
in the provincial mines themselves," were at least coined of metal derived from 
the sources indicated, and their material may be taken as proof that the Dinaric 
ranges were as productive in Roman hands of the elements of bronze as of iron, 
gold, and silver. Those of Trajan struck between the years 104-110 present 
on their reverse a figure of Equity and the legend METALLI VLPIANI DELMafoa. 
Those of Hadrian read METAL. DELM, a sometimes accompanied with a stag, emblem- 
atic of the Dalmatian forest-mountain, and of the patron divinity of the last of 
the native dynasts, 6 sometimes by a breastplate, an apparent allusion to the skill 
of provincial armourers. That this branch of native industry flourished in 
Roman Dalmatia there is other conclusive evidence. At Salonae, as in the more 
northern Illyrian cities that owed their principal industry to the Noric iron 
mines/ was established an imperial Arsenal, the existence of which is attested by 
the Notitia Dignitatum, s and by a monument of fourth-century date, referring to 
one of the armourers. 11 

Connected with the abundance of the precious, as well as the useful, metals 
at Salonae is the prominence among its epigraphic records of a guild of artificers, 

a Eckhel, D. N. vi. p. 445, remarks of these coins : " Sunt omnes tenei, III. formae, etsi certum 
sit fodinas in his numis memoratas nobiliora etiam metalla fudisse. Ex qno argui potest istud 
monetffi genus in eorum stipeiidium qui ad opus in metallis faciundum destinati fuere percussum 

b Cf. Neumann, Populorum Numismata, ii. 152. Basche, Lex. Rei Numarice, s. v. MET. NOB. 

c Cohen, Medailles Imperiales (2 me edition). Trajan, No. 183. There are other similar coins of 
representing on the reverse a female figure raising her robe and holding ears of corn, reads DARDANICI. 

d Cohen, op. cit. Hadrian, Nos. 1516, 1517. That with a stag is engraved in the Pembroke 
Catalogue, p. iii. t. 91. Another, reading DARDANICI, and with the reverse similar to the coin of 
Trajan, has on its obverse the head of Rome and the legend ROMA (Coh. No. 1514). Cohen omits to 
mention another type of this Emperor, of which I have a specimen, with MET. NOR. in an oak-wreath 
on the reverse, for METALLI NORICI. (Cf. Rasche, loc. cit. and Pembroke Catalogue, p. iii. t. 91.) Other 
coins of uncertain attribution read METAL. AVRELIANIS. These, like some of those reading METAL. 
DELM. present on the obverse a youthful head, perhaps of M. Aurelius, but without legend. 

" Artemis is represented on the coins of the Illyrian Prince Ballaeos and his successors struck at 
Pharia and Rhizon. 

f Laureacum, where was a fabrica Scutaria ; Carnuntum, which, though within the Pannonian 
border, must have depended on Noric mines for the same industry, and Sirmium the seat of a 
" Fabrica Scutorum Scordiscorum et armorum." 

Not. Dign. Occidentis, c. 8. Fabrica Salonitana "Armorum." 

h C. I. L. iii. 2043. The tomb of a certain Maurentius FABRICENSIS. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 11 

the Collegium Fabrum Veneris. A whole series of inscriptions illustrates the 
important part played by this worshipful company in the Roman city." On these 
we find mention of its noble Patrons and benefactors, amongst whom the Emperor 
Constans figures, 6 its Prgefects and Decurions, and the corporation seems to have 
claimed a special jurisdiction in what concerned its members. One inscription 
commemorates the erection of a bronze statue by the Collegium to T. Flavius 
Agricola, Praafect and Patron of the guild, who combined the highest municipal 
dignities of Salonae itself and the two cities of ^Equum" and of Riditas, 6 with 
the more fiscal office of Curator of the Republic of Splonistas/ The city of 
Splonum, which lay in the heart of the Dinaric Alps, appears to have been one of 
the great mining centres of the interior ; and from a Dacian inscription we learn 
that a Dalmatian Prince of this Municipium received an imperial commission 
to direct the gold mines of Alburnus. 8 This record of the fiscal functions 
performed by the Praefect of the Salonitan Collegium at Splonum supplies an 
interesting connecting link between that flourishing guild and the mining, in all 
probability the gold- working industry of the interior of the province. When it is 
further remembered that at Apulum and Sarmizegetusa official centres of the 
Dacian gold-fields monumental records have been preserved of similar Collegia 
fabrum of equal local prominence with that of Salonse, we may be allowed to 
connect the guild in a special manner with the craft of the fabri Aurarii, to whose 
handiwork attention has been already called. The dedication of the guild to 
Venus, the lady of the golden necklace, the natural patroness of the jewellers' 

a Cf. C. I. L. iii. 1981, 2026, 2087, 2107, 2108. 

1981. (A.D. 333-7.) 

c An inscription on the tomb of a Decurio Collegii Fabrum found at Salonse (C. I. L. iii. 2107) 
evidently that of the Guild. In other instances we find a similar fine claimed by the Respublica 
Salonitana; at a later period by the Ecclesia Salonitana. 

d Near Sinj. We are almost tempted to connect the figure of Equity on the Dalmatian Mine- 
Coinage with this COLONIA AEQVITATIS. Vide infra. 
e Near Sebenico. 

T . FLAVIO || T . FIL . TROmentina \\ AGEICOLJE || oscurio . COLom'ce . SA.LonitancB\\ 
AEDi'Zi IIVIEO . IVEE || mcundo . DKCurio . coionice . AEQVI||TATIS . IIVIEO . 
QuinQuennali . msvensatori . || MVNICIPI . EIDITAEVM . || pEAEFecfo . ET . 


TEIBVNVS . Lvaionis x . Gemince . pice videlis. . . . (C. I. L. iii. 2026.) 

B C. I. L. iii. 1322 : and cf. Mommsen's observations (p. 305), s. c. ALBUENUS MAJOE. The inscrip- 
tion itself was found at Zalatna in Transylvania, the ancient Ampelum. 


12 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

art, certainly points to this connexion, nor do we need the constantly recurring 
amorini of the Salonitan goldwork to remind us how intimately this craft was 
associated with that of the "Mater sceva Cupidinum." It is, however, only 
reasonable to suppose that various classes of Salonitan artificers were enrolled in 
the Collegium ; and how, indeed, in the later days of the "Western Empire was it 
possible to separate the callings of armourer and goldsmith? The connexion 
between Venus and Vulcan was of old standing; and " Venus Victrix," the special 
personality under which the Goddess was worshipped from the second century 
onwards, was certainly as well qualified to preside over forgers of weapons as over 
moulders of ornaments. The frequent appearance of the Goddess under this 
aspect on Salonitan monuments is not without significance in its connexion with 
the Collegium Veneris. In the museum at Spalato is to be seen a marble statue of 
the Goddess in this character, of some merit ; and gems notably green plasmas 
and red jaspers representing the Armed Venus, are of specially plentiful occur- 
rence on the prolific site of the ancient Salonge. 

The mining-town of Splonum referred to in the above inscriptions has been 
identified with the Dalmatian stronghold of Splaunum, mentioned as a strongly 
fortified and populous city by Dion," in his account of Germanicus' campaign against 
the North Dalmatian tribe of the Maz^ei. It appears to have been situated in what 
is at present the Bosnian Kraina, probably in the neighbourhood of Stari Maidan" 
(" the Old Mine "), where iron is still worked. The surrounding district is known 
at the present day to be rich in minerals, including gold and silver, though the 
precious metals are found in inconsiderable quantities. In the ranges of more 
central Bosnia the engineer Conrad 3 has recently discovered some remarkable 
traces of ancient mining operations. On Mount Rosinj, the limestone steeps of 
which overlay veins of quartz and greenstone, are numerous heaps of washings, 
the largest 80 feet high, 150 broad, and 400 long, containing tailings of quartz and 

a Hist. Horn. lib. Ivi. C. 11 : rtp/taviicbt; Si iv TovTip aXXa TC xwpia AeX/inn/cd eIXe rai 2ir\avvor, Kaimp rj T( 
<f,v<rei lax'ipov ov, <cai rolf niytaiv tv irffpa-jf/ievov, rovg re afivvofikvovf Trapit\i)8iie ?x 01 '- Germanicus, starting from 

Siscia, as a base, took Splaunum on his way to Rsetinium, the position of which is probably to be 
identified with the site of the newly-discovered Municipium near Bihac. 

b Cf. Tomaschek, Die vorslawische Topographic der Bosna, &c. p. 12. 

It appears from two Bosnian documents of the years 1339 and 1422, that gold was exported 
from the country in the Middle Ages ; and the Venetian geographer Negri, writing at the end of the 
fifteenth century, mentions the auri ramenta of the river Verbas. Gold- washings existed on the upper 
LaSva near Travnik in the sixteenth century. Cf . Jirecek, Die Handelsstrassen und Bergwerke von 
Serbien und Bosnien wcihrend des Mittelalters. Prag, 1879, p. 42. 

d Bosnien in Bezug auf seine Mineralschatze (Mitth. d. k. k. geogr. Ges. in Wien, 1870, p. 214 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 13 

iron-ore, mixed with red earth," which gives to this heap the name of Crvena 
Zemlja, or " the bloody plot." Another of these is still more appropriately known as 
" Zlatna G-uvna," or " the golden threshing-floor." The position of these artificial 
mounds shows the direction of the quartz -veins, and indicates a prodigious gold- 
digging activity in past times. b It is remarkable, however, that no epigraphic or 
other remains indicating the former existence of a Roman Municipium have been 
found near these ancient works. 

The chief centre of the gold- working activity in ancient Dalmatia appears, how- 
ever, to have been the country of the Pirustae, a branch of the great Dassaretian 
clan who inhabited the inaccessible Alpine extremities of the province towards the 
Dardanian and Epirote confines, and who appear to have had the Dsesidiatas as their 
northern borderers. The mining aptitudes of this race were utilized by the 
Romans at a later date in developing the resources of their Dacian gold-fields ; 
and the waxen tablets discovered in the Transylvanian mines have revealed the 
existence of a Dalmatian settlement near the Dacian city of Alburnus Major, known 
as the Vicus Pirustarum* These Dacian tablets are indeed a striking witness of 

a " Aus den Ueberresten dieses Bergbaues ersieht man deutlich dass das gediegene Gold in den 
Zersetzungs-produkten, namlich aus dem Schwefelkies enstandenen Brauneisenstein (Brauneisenerz) 
und in den Ablagerungen enthalten war, welche aus den zerstriimmerten und durch die Flut 
weggeschwemmten Gebirgsmassen gebildet haben." (Op. cit. p. 221). 

b The present inhabitants have a superstition against continuing the search for gold, though the 
tradition of its existence is preserved by the local proverb : 
" Vol se 6ese o zlatni stog a ljudi ne vide." 
(The ox rubs himself against the golden sheaf but folks see it not.) 

c Ptolemy, Geog. lib. ii. c. 16, places the Pirustee after the Dokleates (whose territory roughly 
answered to the modern Montenegro), and before the Skirtones, described by him as 7rp6 s ry JAaneSovlf. 
From Livy's notice (lib. xlv. c. 26) we may infer that they lay inland from the Rhizonic Gulf. 
Velleius Paterculus (lib. ii. c. 115) speaks of their inaccessible position. Although, as their names 
show, Illyrian among the Illyrians, they are placed by Strabo (lib. vii. c. 5) in a Pannonian connexion 
along with their Daasidiate kinsmen : and it is to be observed that Bato, the Deesidiate chief, took the 
lead in the great Dalmato-Pannonian outbreak. We may therefore infer that there was some avenue 
of communication between the Deesidiates and Pirustee of South-East Dalmatia and the Pannonian 
lands of the Save : an avenue naturally supplied by the Drina Valley. From the fact that the Salona 
milestone places the Castellum of the Deesidiates 156 miles distant we should be led to look for it on 
the Upper Drina. The Pirustee, who as borderers of the Dokleates lay beyond the Deesidiates, must 
therefore be sought in the mountain district beyond the Upper Drina. (See p. 38 seqq.) 

d Cf. the deed of sale to "Andveia Batonis," of half a house, " que est Alburno Majori Vico 
Pirustarum." (Tabellce Ceratce, viii. ; C. I. L. iii. p. 944.) Another deed records the purchase by 
Maximus, the son of Bato, of a female slave from Dasius, the son of Verso, "Pirusta ex Kavieretio." 
(Tab. Oer. vi. ; C. I. L. iii. p. 936.) 

14 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

the extent to which the gold-mining industry in that province had fallen into 
Dalmatian hands. They supply a whole treasury of Dalmatian names, a amongst 
which that of the national hero, Bato, occurs repeatedly. The military indebted- 
ness of Rome to these mountaineers is siifficiently attested by the imperial name of 
Nerva. b 

Thus it will be seen, that the Roman highway leading into the Dalmatian 
interior from Salonae to the Castellum of the Daesidiates referred to on the mil- 
liary column, and that marked on the Tabula as leading from the same place in 
the same south-easterly direction, towards " Argentaria " and the silver-bearing 
ranges of the old Dalmatian-Dardanian border country, have a peculiar interest in 
their connexion with the ancient centres of mining activity in the Province. It is 
probable, as we have said, that, in the main, both routes are one and the same : 
the prolongation to " Argentaria," marked on the Tabula, being a continuation of 
the more ancient road, which originally extended, as the Salonitan inscription 
indicates, only 156 miles, to the Dsesidiate borders. 

From Salonas the road marked in the Tabula runs to Tilurio (Grardun near 
Trilj) on the Cettina, by the route already described as forming a part of the line 
Salonge-Narona. At this point the road branches off from the Dalmatian- 
Epirote line and pursues a more inland course, across the Prolog range. This 
part of the road is still clearly traceable, and has been followed by the engineer 
Moiza along the northern margin of the plain of Livno, where, at the village of 
Vidosi, ancient fragments and an inscription have been found, to Grad Buzanin, 
where are some uncertain remains. This site has been identified, on the strength 
of the name, 3 with the station in Monte Bulsinio, placed on the Tabula thirty miles 
distant from " Tilurio." 

a E. </., Anduenna Batonis (cf. Andveia above), Andesis Andunocnetis, Bato Annsei, Ac., Bradua 
Beusantis, Cerdo Dasas Loni, Dasius (or Dassius) Breuci, Epicadus Plarentis qui et Mico, Liccaius 
Epicadi Marciniesus (cf. the Preonian King, Lyeceius), Lupus Carentis (from Cares), Masurius 
Messi, Planius Verzonis Sclaies, Plares (Plarentis), Plator Venetus, Veranes, Verzo (cf. the 
Dalmatian chief " Versus "). 

b There is an extant diploma of Vespasian (C. I. L. iii. p. 849), NEEVAE . LAID: . F . DESIDIATI. The 
name occurs on a Salonitan inscription (2390) and may be compared with other Dalmatian forms in 
-erva, such as Derva, Anderva. 

c Here was probably the station Ad Libros marked on the Tabula as 22 miles distant from 
Tilurio. There was an alternative way into the plain of Livno from Salonse via ./Equum (near Sinj). 
"While making the road from Sinj to Livno, Moiza found traces of the Eoman way, and, cut on a rock 
at the top of the pass over Mount Prolog, the inscription " FLAVIVS MAXIMUS FECIT." 

4 Tomaschek, Vorslawische Topographic der Bosna, &c. p. 22. The greatest caution, however, is 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 15 

From this spot the course of the road is uncertain. 1 On the one hand it is 
possible that it made a northern bend, so as to approach the ancient ore-washing 
basins already described on the flanks of Mount Rosinj ; while, on the other hand, 
the arduousness of the country to be traversed rather suggests the alternative 
route, by one of the lateral valleys, into the defile of the Narenta, and thence by 
the pass that leads from Konjica to the plain of Serajevo. This has been, in all 
historic ages, the main avenue of communication between the inland districts of 
what is now Bosnia and the Adriatic coastlands, and the frequent discovery of 
Roman coins at Konjica, as well as the existence of a Roman monument in the 
pass itself, are certainly indications that the road followed this route. 

"We are now on more certain ground. The " Serajevsko Polje," or plain of 
Serajevo, is the natural, we may say the inevitable, crossing-point of all the main- 
lines of communication through the interior of the country. It is here that the 
river Bosna, which has given its name to the whole country, wells in full volume 
from the rock. Here, in the Middle Ages, was the Slavonic stronghold and market 
of Vrchbosna, b chosen by the Turks, on the conquest of Bosnia, as the seat of their 

necessary in accepting identifications of sites based on merely verbal coincidences. Prof. Tomaschek's 
ingenuity in this regard at times outruns his discretion. Thus, for example, he observes of 
Torine, a village near Travnik, " Der nahe Ort Torine ist unslawisch und enspricht einem alien Tarona." 
So far from being " un-Slavonic " the word Torine is of universal use in Bosnia, and simply means a 
" sheep-fold " ; a slender foundation on which to construct an ancient city. Again, heedless of the 
fact that " Bystrica" is the universal Slavonic name for clear streams (Old SI. Bystrii, Serb. Bistar, 
cf. Miklosich, Die Slavischen Ortsnamen, s. v.), the same writer goes out of his way to seek for the 
Pannonian river Bustricius, mentioned by Ravennas, an Albanian-Illyrian origin from BuStre = bitch 

a The stations and mileage given by the Tabula after " in Monte Bulsinio " are " vi Bistue 
Vetus xxv Ad Matricem xx Bistue Nova xxim Stanecli " ; after which follows " Argentaria " 
without any numerical indication. From evidence supplied by an inscription found at Eogatica 
(see p. 18), Bistue Nova appears to have been in the neighbourhood of that town, and Ad Matricem 
near the source of the Bosna. Hence we must seek for the position of Bistue Vetus about Konjica 
on the Upper Narenta, and it becomes evident that a deficiency must be supplied either in the names 
or mileage of the earlier stations of the Tabula. 

One of the Bistues, probably Bistue Vetus as being nearer to the maritime tract, seems to have 
been still flourishing in the sixth century. An "Andreas, Bpiscopus Ecclesiee Bestoensis" is mentioned 
in the Act of the Provincial Council of Salona of 530 and 532 (Farlati, Illyricum Sacrum, t. ii. p. 173). 

b Cf. Jirecek, Die Handelsstrassen und Bergwerke von Serbien und Bosnien wahrend des MitteL- 
alters (Prag, 1879), p. 85. The plain of Serajevo was known as the Zupa Vrchbosna, but the strong- 
hold was on the site of the present citadel of Serajevo, not at the actual source of the Bosna as has 
sometimes been asserted. As early as 1436 we find a Turkish Voivode placed here to control the 
tributary Christian dynasts of Bosnia. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwm. 

provincial governor, and better known under its later name of Bosna Seraj, or 
Serajevo. A position which has given birth to the modern capital of the province 
was not neglected by the Romans, and during my journey through Bosnia in 1875 
I was so fortunate as to come upon the first trace of the Roman predecessor of 
Serajevo.* At Blazui, in the western angle of the Sarajevsko Polje, I found a 
Roman bas-relief of Eros or the Genius of Death, leaning on an extinguished 
torch ; and, near it, numerous other antique fragments built into the remains of a 
stone fountain, and a Turkish " Han." Dr. Hoernes, on subsequently visiting the 
spot, b discovered a bas-relief of a good style, representing a Masnad, or Bacchante, 
the panther skin flung round her shoulders, but otherwise nude ; a thyrsus leaning 
against her left arm, her right stretched forward, and her head thrown back in orgi- 
astic rapture. Walled into the neighbouring bridge over the Bosna he observed a 

G-enius with reversed torch, somewhat similar 
to the first, but which, from its Phrygian cap, 
had probably, a Mithraic signification. 

In 1880 I had the opportunity of renewing 
my explorations about this site. I was able to 
copy a small fragment from Blazui, c repre- 
senting the lower part of a figure of Diana 
standing before her doe, beneath which was an 
inscription, showing that it was part of a 
votive monument erected to the goddess by a 
votary of the appropriate name of Silvia. 
Another inscription from Blazui has since been 
communicated by the Pravoslav Metropolitan 
to the Serajevo Gazette, but, unfortunately, in 
an unsatisfactory shape. 

On the left bank of the small stream that flows past Blazui rises the brush- 
wood-covered height of Crkvica, 4 whilst examining which I came upon remains 

a Through Bosnia and the Herzegovina, &c. 1876, p. 237 (2nd ed. p. 237). 

b Arch. Epigr. Mitth. cms Osterr. iv. 44. 

c For this I am indebted to the kindness of M. Moreau, the French Consul at Serajevo, in whose 
hands the fragment now is. It is six inches in height. From Vitina, near Ljubuski, in Herzegovina 
(cf. C. I. L. iii. 6365, 6368 ; Hcernes, op. cit. p. 41), the same gentleman had obtained a finger of a 
colossal marble statue, and a tile with the inscription LEG vm AVG. 

1 The name is equivalent to " church-land." A part of it is still used as a cemetery, and several 
medieval tombs of the usual kind are to be seen, indicating the former existence of a church (crkva). 


Fig. 1. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 17 

that seem to indicate that here was the Acropolis of the ancient town ; perhaps the 
original Illyrian stronghold that became the nucleus of the Roman Municipium. 
Here I found a part of a cornice with antique mouldings, and two Roman sepul- 
chral slabs, the inscription of which, however, had been utterly obliterated by 
atmospheric agencies. On one of these, above the sunken field which formerly 
contained the epitaph, are two full-face busts of the rudest workmanship, accom- 
panied with equally rude degenerations of the rose and acanthus ornament. The 
monument, however, has a peculiar interest in the resemblance it bears to the 
Illyro-Roman sepulchral slabs on the height of Sveti Ilija above Plevlje, which I 
shall have occasion to describe," and confirms the hypothesis that here was the 
original Illyrian quarter. 1 " 

Besides the general suitableness of the position already indicated, the Romans 
in selecting this site were doubtless influenced by local advantages of a more 
special kind. Situated at the western extremity of the plain, the Roman town 
commanded the entrance to the pass which was most indispensable to it as forming 
its avenue of communication with maritime Dalmatia ; just as the present city of 
Serajevo, lying at the eastern extremity of the plain, derived much of its im- 
portance in Turkish eyes from its holding the key to the defile that secured its 
communications with Stamboul. The abundant source of the Bosna, hard by, sup- 
plied the first essential of Roman municipal requirements ; while the hardly less 
abundant hot springs of Illidze on the neighbouring banks of the Zelesnica, known 
here as elsewhere in the Illyrian wilds by the name of Banja, a corruption as we 
have seen of the Roman Balnea, must have given the situation a peculiar value in 
the eyes of colonists and soldiers from the warmer Mediterranean climes doomed 
to adapt themselves to Illyrian Alpine winters. 

a See p. 31 seqq. 

b More recently Heir DumiCio has discovered in the same neighbourhood, on the left bank of 
the Lepenica near Kisseljak, and not far from the confluence of the Fojnicka Rjeka, the following- 
inscription : 


C L 

ANN 1 1 || 

The cippus on which this was inscribed lay amongst hewn stones and other ancient fragments on a 
steep rock called Crkvice, to the north of which is a sloping terrace. (Arch. Mittheilungen 
am Oesterreich, 1883, p. 130.) A fragmentary sepulchral inscription has also been discovered by 
Captain Von Handel at Divjak in the LaSva valley south of Travnik. 

c See Arch&ologia XLVIII. p. 66. 

18 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwn. 

There is moreover the strongest presumption that the fortunes of the Roman 
city on this site were intimately bound up with the copious existence of ore-bearing 
strata in the surrounding ranges. The neighbouring defiles of Foinica and Kresevo 
are still reckoned the principal centres of the mineral wealth of modern Bosnia ; 
and both these places in the Middle Ages were frequented by a mining colony of 
Saxons and Eagusans." Besides iron, copper, lead, and quicksilver in abundance, 
the more precious metals are not wanting. The silver mines of Foinica b are 
repeatedly referred to in the Eagusan archives. Gold is known to occur in the 
same neighbourhood ; it is to be detected in small quantities in the sand of the 
Foinica stream," and there can be little doubt that here as in the not distant ranges 
about Vares it was also exploited. I have myself observed on the flanks of the 
mountains about Foinica huge scars and traces of ancient excavations/ and have found 
the surface in places covered with fragments of quartz containing various ores, and 
accompanied, as in the case of the tailings described by the engineer Conrad on 
the northern side of the same range, with hsematitic iron ore and ochreous earth. 
It is to be observed that Blazui stands at the point where these metalliferous 
denies open out into the broad and fertile Serajevsko Polje. The neighbouring 
village of Eudnik owes its name to mining industry, 6 and it appears to me highly 
probable that the name of the Eoman city, the site of which we have been ex- 
ploring, was derived from the same source. 

From an inscription existing at Eogatica referring to a Dec(urio) C(ivitatis) 
Bis(tuensis)/ it appears that there, or rather perhaps on the neighbouring site of 
Oorazda, stood the Bistue Nova of the Tabula and Itineraries. From this we may 

a Jirecek, op, cit. p. 49. Foinica or Chvojnica is frequently mentioned in the Ragusan archives 
of the fifteenth century as the seat of a mining colony of the Republic which numbered amongst its 
members scions of the patrician houses of Bonda, Bucchia, and Gozze. 

b Herr Dumi6i6 of Kisseljak showed me specimens of ore from this neighbourhood containing as 
much as thirty per cent, of silver. 

c Accompanied by grains of silver, cinnabar, and globules of quicksilver. 

d Through Bosnia, &c. p. 210, 227, seqq. 

e Budnik is derived from the Old Slavonic Euda = Metallum. Cf. Miklosich, Die Slavischen 
Ortsnamen aus Appellativen, s. v. 

* The first describers of this inscription, Dr. Blau and M. de Ste Marie, differed as to their 
reading. Dr. Blau reading DEC . C . RIS completed by Mommsen (C. I. L. iii. 2766 b) Dec(uriq) 
G(witatis) Eis(ini) : (Itineraires de I' Herzegovine) ; M. de Ste Marie reading DEC . c . BIS to be 
completed Dec(urio) Cfivitatis) Bisftuae) or Bistttensis. Dr. Hoernes on first examining the stone 
accepted Dr. Blau's version, though with the remark that " das unten beschadigte R einem B ahnlich 
sieht " (Arch. Epigr. Mitth. iv. p. 45) ; but on a second examination of the stone in 1880 he convinced 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 19 

infer that the important station that precedes it on the road from Salonae, 
Ad Matricem, marked in the Tabula with lofty towers and a central pinnacle, more 
prominently indeed than any other Dalmatian city, is to be identified with the 
Municipium that formerly existed at Blazui, and which was in fact the Roman 
predecessor of Serajevo. Dr. Hoernes, who accepts this view, sees in the name an 
allusion to the source of the Bosna, a but I should prefer to trace in it rather an 
allusion to the sources of mineral wealth. In both the Dacian and Mcesian mining 
districts have been found frequent Roman dedications, TERRAE MATRi, b to Mother 
Earth, who was naturally invoked in such districts as the goddess from whose 
matrix all mineral treasures were brought forth. At Rudnik, in the centre of the 
old silver mining country, of what is at present the kingdom of Serbia, there were 
discovered the remains of a temple of TERRA MATER, with an inscription recording its 
restoration by the Emperor Septimius Severus, c and from an altar found at Karls- 
burg in Transylvania, the ancient Apulum, it would appear that this goddess 
was regarded as the peculiar patroness of the Dacian Eldorado. d In this case 
Ad Matricem would simply mean the town near the matrix, or load, of mineral 
deposits, and would correspond to the present name of the neighbouring village of 

From the neighbourhood of the small mud craters, formed by an old source of 
the hot springs on the right bank of the 2elesnica stream, an ancient paved way, 
which in part of its course appears to me to represent a Roman road line, leads in 
the direction of Serajevo. This road traversed the Dobrinja stream by a bridge 
the lower part of which is apparently composed of Roman blocks ; and a portion of 
a rounded column imbedded at one point in the pavement of the road itself bore a 
suspicious resemblance to a fragment of a Roman mile-stone. It leads towards 
the village of Svrakinsko Selo, where was found a votive altar dedicated to Jupiter 

himself that the true reading was BIS. Identifying the " Mun(icipium) S." on the site of Plevlje 
with the Stanecle of the Tabula, he observes that it must be the Bistue Nova, which is to be sought at 
Rogatica or Gorazda, and adds the obvious corollary, " Dann ist aber auch die Lage von ad Matricem 
bestimmt und wir miissen diese wichtige Station in das Quellbecken der Bosna veiiegen " (Alterthumer 
der Hercegovina, ii. 139.) 

a Tomaschek compares the Pannonian and Galatian " Matrica " and the " Mediomatrici " of 
Metz and seeks a Celtic origin. It is always possible that the Latin name was due to some adaptation 
of an earlier indigenous form. 

b Cf. C. I. L. iii. 996, 1152, 1284, 1285, 1364, 1555, 1599, 6313. 

c C. I. L. iii. 6313. The remains of the temple and the inscription were discovered in 1865 by 
Dr. Janko Safarik, and are described in Glasnik, 31, 217 236. 

'' C. I. L. iii. 996. 


20 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwn. 

Tonitrator," at present existing in the garden of the French Consulate at Serajevo. 
In this village I noticed the cornice of another Roman monument. 

On the northern margin of the plain, near the village of Hreljevo, is a bridge 
over the Bosna, the stone piers of which appear to be formed of Roman blocks. 
Great caution, however, is requisite in this country before deciding too confidently 
on the Roman origin of bridges such as this. In general the Turkish masons " 
show a tendency to cut their building stone into smaller and more cubical blocks 
than was usual with the Romans ; but in this part of Bosnia, owing doubtless to 
some peculiarity in the strata, the blocks are larger and of more oblong shape. 
This is, to a certain extent, the case with the bridges over the Miljaska at 
Serajevo, known from the inscriptions they bear to date from Turkish times ; so 
that, in the absence of other evidence, the shape of the blocks cannot be taken to 
decide their origin. Nor can their colossal size in the case of the Hreljevo piers 
and some other examples be regarded as by itself conclusive of Roman handiwork, 
when we remember the prevalent old Bosnian and Serbian custom of cutting huge 
monolithic blocks for sepulchral monuments. The purely Roman character of so 
many modern arts and buildings is continually striking antiquarian eyes in the 
Balkan peninsula. From this point of view the Turkish conquest of Bosnia and 
other parts of Western Illyria may almost be regarded as a re-conquest of old 
Rome. While the influence of Roman arts in the West is often less superficially 
visible, simply because they have transformed themselves by a living continuity of 
developement, the Turks have preserved and fossilized what Byzantine con- 
servatism handed on to the Arabs or to themselves. The hamams still visibly 
recall the ancient baths ; the woodwork of the bridges might be copied from 
Trajan's column ; the mosques, with their colonnades and porches, approach nearer 
to Justinian's churches than their Christian descendants ; the arrangement of tiles 
and bricks in the walls of buildings, with their broad interstices of mortar or 
cement, transport us to Constantinople and Thessalonica ; and, to take one instance 
out of the many, a low stone archway of the Turkish Bezestan at Serajevo, with 
its blocks dovetailed into one another, is almost an exact representation of a flat 
arch of the Porta Aurea of Diocletian's Palace-Castle at Spalato. 

Among minor monuments of antiquity from this central Bosnian district I 
have obtained some engraved gems of considerable interest. One from Serajevo 

a C. I. L. iii. 2766a. 

b We may include in the same category the Ragusan and Italian architects, known in several 
instances to have been employed hy the Turkish Pashas in Bosnia, &c. to build bridges. Of. p. 24. 

Antiquarian Researches in Iltyricum. 21 

itself is a very beautiful late-Greek engraving on a sard, representing a Faun 
pouring wine from an amphora which he holds on his shoulders. Another, of 
dull-brown chalcedony, displays characteristics of a truly remarkable kind. It 
represents a rude image of a boar accompanied by a legend, the 
first line of which, as seen in the impression, reads from right to 
left, the remaining two lines from left to right. The letters are 
Roman, but the legend, to be read apparently wio 10 FVLLIS, 
forms a combination which is as decidedly un-Roman. It is to 
be observed that the first part of the inscription presents some 
analogy to the name vocoio, which appears on the Celtic coins Fig - 2> 

found in Noricum and Pannonia ; and this analogy is supported 
by the style of the intaglio itself. The character of the boar itself, and notably 
the conventional representation of the bristles on its hind quarters by a line 
of pellets, as well as the three pellets introduced under the hind legs of the 
animal, and again at the end of the inscription, are familiar features on the 
Celtic coinage from Britain to the Lower Danube. That the Grasco-Romau 
art of gem-engraving was occasionally imitated by Celtic hands can, I think, 
be shown by examples from our own island ; and notably by a carnelian intaglio, 
found on the Roman Wall, representing a man on horseback, which might 
almost have been copied from an ancient British coin. The relations between 
the Dalmatian tribes of the interior and their Celtic neighbours to the North 
were of the most intimate kind, as is shown by their combined revolt against 
Rome under the Batos. It is, moreover, certain that at one period there was 
a considerable Celtic extension in the interior of the Illyrian peninsula, and I 
have myself obtained Celtic coins very similar to those of Pannonia and Noricum 
in the central plateau of Dardania. The interior Dalmatian tribes, including the 
Mazasi and Dassitiates of Northern and Central Bosnia, are reckoned by Strabo 
as Pannonians; a nor is it possible to lay down any rigid ethnographic line 
between the Celtic and Illyrian area on this side. Considering the extraordinary 
spread of Roman arts and culture among the Pannonian tribes in the age of 
Augustus, it need not surprise us that the Roman fashion of wearing engraved 
stones on signet-rings was already making its way among these people before the 
days of their final subjugation. Vellejus Paterculus informs us that when the 
indigenous races between the Middle Danube and the Adriatic rose in their final 
effort to shake off the Roman yoke, a knowledge not only of the drill but of the 

a Strabo, Geogr. lib. vii. 


Antiquarian Researches in lUi/ricum. 

language of Home was general throughout these regions, whilst many were familiar 

with letters, and themselves devoted to literary pursuits.* 

Another engraved gem in my collection from the Serajevo district is of the 
highest interest, as supplying a record of the Ostrogothic 
dominion in the Alpine interior of Roman Dalmatia. It 
is a small carbuncle or garnet with bevelled circumference, 
presenting a monogram which appears to have belonged 
to an official of the Ostrogothic King Theodoric. There 
are several slightly variant forms of Theodoric's mono- 
gram on his coins, and the general agreement of these with 
the monogram on the present gem is so close b that there 
can, I think, be no doubt as to its identity. It must be 

remembered, as accounting for the absence of the small s usual (but not 

universal) on Theodoric's coins, that on an official signet we should expect 

Pig. 3. 
(Enlarged 3 diams.) 

Fig. 5. 

the form D. N. THEODORICI, C while the natural style on coins is in the nomi- 
native, D. N. THEODOKICYS. "What is conclusive as to the royal or imperial character 
of the commission held by the possessor of the present signet is the presence 
of the D. N. in ligature, standing for the supreme late -Roman title DOMINVS 
NOSTEE, and adopted under the same monogrammatic form on the coins of the 
Ostrogoths, of the Vandals in Africa, and of the Emperors Justin and Justinian. 
The signet with the royal monogram may have been entrusted to high officials in 
the provinces for purposes of state, and the discovery of this gem in the old 

a Veil. Paterculus, lib. ii. c. 110. "In omnibus autem Pannoniis non discipline tantummodo 
sed linguae quoque notitia Romanes : plerisque etiam literarum usus et f amiliaris animorum erat 

b The only discrepancy that suggests itself is the non-prolongation of the cross-line of the H to 
the perpendicular line of the D. A parallel instance however may be found on coins of Athalaric, 
and it appears that in both cases the H was an approach to the so-called " Lombardic " h . We 
should thus read DN T JjEeDoRici. 

c On the King's own seal, doubtless, THEODOKICI EEGIS. The signet ring of Childeric had the 
inscription CHILDIBICI EEGIS (Chifflet, Anastasis Ghilderid Regis, p. 97, Antwerp, 1655). The insertion 
of the D.N. shows that the present gem belonged to an official and not to the king himself. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 23 

Dalmatian interior serves to remind us of the importance attached by Theodoric to 
the iron-mines of the province, and his special despatch of a commissioner of mines 
to inquire into their working." The present signet gem, by showing the character 
of Theodoric's official signature, may help to confute, whilst at the same time 
explaining, the vulgar calumny of the Anonymus Valesianus that the Gothic 
king, whose perpetual aim was to preserve Roman civilization, and who had him- 
self received his education in New Rome, was not sufficiently acquainted with 
letters to write his own name. This Catholic, and therefore hostile, chronicler 
informs us that Theodoric for this reason had recourse to a stencil-plate of gold, 
in which he traced the first letters of his name, THEOD. b When, however, we find 
that on his official signets, as so often on his coins, Theodoric had recourse to this 
complicated monogram, we can well understand that for his own convenience he 
made use of a stencil-plate to affix his signature. 

From the Eastern angle of the plain where Serajevo now stands, the Roman 
road in its course towards the Drina must have followed much the same route as 
that taken by the present road to Gorazda. Ascending the river pass, past the old 
Bosnian stronghold of Starigrad, overlooked by the "Eagle Crags" of the Romanja 
Planina a name which seems to mark this table-headed range as a former pro- 
montory of Byzantine dominions, the way descends into the fertile valley of Praca, 
in the Middle Ages one of the principal commercial staples of the country and the 
seat of a Ragusan colony. This neighbourhood abounds in mediaeval sepulchral 
blocks and the ruins of legendary castles, but I searched in vain for Roman monu- 
ments. From Prada there diverge two ancient routes across the forest-mountain, 
one to Rogatica and the other to Grorazda on the Drina, at both of which places 
Roman remains are forthcoming. 

At Gorazda I discovered, besides other relics of antiquity, the two inscrip- 
tions already mentioned in my previous paper ; one of them referring to the 
Andarvani, and indicating, as has been pointed out, that there was a point of 
junction with a Southern road-line bringing the Upper Valley of the Drina into 
communication with the Plain of Niksid and the South Dalmatian coast-cities, 
Epitaurum and Risinium. The Roman predecessor of Gorazda (not improbably 

a Cassiodorus, Variarum, lib. iii. Ep. 25. See p. 9. 

b Anon. Valesianus, c. 79. " Igitur rex Theodoricus illiterates erat, et sic obruto sensu, ut in 
decem annos regni sui quatuor litteras subscriptionis edicti sui discere nullatenus potuisset. De qua 
re laminam auream jussit interrasilem fieri quatuor litteras regis habentem THEOE. ut, si scribere 
voluisset, posita lamina super chartam, per earn penna duceret,et subscriptio ejus tantum videretur." 

' See Archceologia XLVIII. p. 90, 91. 

24 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

the Bistue Nova of the Tabula) , a must, like its modern representative, have been 
an important bridge-station. The existing bridge which here spans the Drina 
(when I saw it in 1881 in course of restoration by the Austrians) was constructed 
in 1568 by Ragusan architects and masons at the expense of Mustapha Pasha, of 
Buda, whose almsgiving took this practical form. b Previous to this, in Slavonic 
times, there had only been a ferry, but the relief of a Roman eagle and other ancient 
fragments which I observed on the Drina bank not far from the present bridge 
may be taken as indications that the Drina had been already spanned at this point 
in Roman times. 

Prom G-orazda the road, after crossing the Drina and traversing the glen of 
Cajnica, ascends the steeps of Mount Kovac, still covered with a primaeval forest 
growth of gigantic firs and beeches. On this range I came upon one of the most 
striking ethnological phenomena anywhere to be found in the Balkan lands. The 
peasant women, whose attire through this and the adjoining Serbian provinces is 
as exclusively Slavonic as their language, have here preserved a distinctively 
Illyrian element in their dress. They wear, in fact, over and above the Slavonic 
apron, an Albanian f ustanella ; c and, though their language is pure Serb, their 
longer and more finely-cut faces and the expression of their eyes, as much as their 
characteristic skirts, proclaim their kinship with the aboriginal people of Illyricum. 
We are reminded that this Kova6 range lies on the borders of a central Alpine 
region known as Stari Ylah or " Old "Wallachia," a name which by itself affords 
sufficient indication that these inaccessible highlands continued to be a stronghold 
of the Romanized indigenous element long after the Slavs had ousted them from 
the more open-lying parts of the country. In these fustanella'd peasants we may 
venture to see the actual descendants of Illyrian clansmen. 

a See p. 18. 

b A letter of the Ragusan Government to their ambassador at Constantinople, dated Sept. 19, 
1568 (given by Jirecek, op. cit. p. 86), refers to the construction of this bridge. " Dovete sapere che 
nelli mesi passati fummo ricercati dall 111. Signer Mustaffa Bassa di Buda che li dovessemo mandare 
marangoni, muratori, fabri et molte cose necessarie perche sua Signoria dovea fabricare per fare 
elemosina un ponte in Ghorasda al quale habbiamo servito volentieri." This Ragusan bridge was of 
five arches of woodwork, resting on piers of deftly-hewn stone blocks, oblong in shape but not so 
thick as Roman blocks. The woodwork was so constructed that the middle of the bridge was 
greatly elevated. 

B The male peasants less conservative in dress than their womankind (except in Albania, an 
almost universal rule in the Ottoman dominions in Europe) have adopted the Oriental and Slavonic 
attire of the surrounding populations. In parts of North Albania the fustanella is common to both 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 25 

Beyond Mount Kovad opens the plain of Plevlje, the Turkish Tashlidja, con- 
taining relics of antiquity which mark it as a principal centre of Illyro-Roman 
civic life. This plain is the only large open space to be found in the mountains 
for two days' journey on either side, and at the same time is the natural crossing- 
point of the highways of communication between the Adriatic coastland and the 
Moesian and Dardanian staples, of which Scupi (Skopia) and Naissus, the modern 
Nish, may be taken as representatives. On these accounts the site on which Plevlje 
stands has never ceased to play a leading part in the internal economy of this part 
of the ancient Illyricum. The mediaeval importance of Plevlje (formerly known as 
Breznice," from the little river that flows through its midst) is still attested by the 
Orthodox monastery in a neighbouring gorge, with its ancient church, resplendent 
with frescoes in Byzantine style, representing old Serbian Kings and Czars. Its 
military value was also considerable ; and it was here that, in 1463, the Turks 
gained the victory over Stephen, Duke of St. Sava, which placed Herzegovina at 
their mercy. The Ragusan and Venetian caravans passed through Plevlje on their 
way to Nish and Constantinople ; and the Venetian traveller Ramberti, writing in 
1541, describes the town as " large and well-favoured, according to the country," 
though the surrounding mountains were at that time the haunt of robbers, who, a 
few years previously, had plundered a Venetian caravan of about a hundred horses, 
and slain two nobles of the Serene Republic, a Nani and a Capello. b The trade 
connexion with Ragusa has never been entirely lost, and the traveller c is still 
astonished, on inquiring the direction of the southern road, to hear the name of the 
old commercial Republic of the eastern Adriatic shore when he expected merely 
to be told the name of some neighbouring village or insignificant Turkish town. 

To this abiding connexion between Plevlje and the Dalmatian civic Republic, 
which in the Middle Ages succeeded to the place of Salonse as the maritime empo- 
rium of these Illyrian midlands, was due the first discovery at this spot of the 
remains of a considerable Roman city. In 1792 the Ragusan ambassadors, passing 
through Plevlje on their way to Constantinople observed there numerous Roman 
antiquities, the base of a statue, marble columns, and inscriptions ; and, in answer 
to their inquiries, were informed that about an hour distant were to be seen other 

a Of. JireiSek, op. cit. p. 73. 

b Delle Gose de Turchi, p. 6. (In Vinegia, 1541.) Ramberti groups " Plevie " with Prijepolje as 
" secondo il paese assai grand! e buoni." 

c Cf . Blau, Monatsbericht d. k. Preuss. Akad. 1866, p. 840. He adds, " Noch jetzt wird von 
Plevlje iiber Gatzko und Trebinje ein namhafter Handel mit Ragusa getrieben." 


Antiquarian Eesearches in Illyricwn. 

splendid monuments.* One of the two inscriptions copied by them on this occa- 
sion referred to an Bques Romanus, who was a decurion of the local municipium; 
but, unfortunately, of the name itself only the initial letter S is given. The 
notice of the Roman antiquities at Plevlje, contained in the journal of the 
Bagusan envoys, has been in recent years much augmented by Dr. Blau, formerly 
Prussian consul at Serajevo, who, at the request of Professor Mommsen, paid a visit 
to this spot, and copied a whole series of fresh inscriptions. 6 Fresh contributions 
have recently been made to our knowledge by Herr Miiller, the Austrian consul at 
Plevlje, and by Dr. Hoernes, who visited this locality in 1880. My own investi- 
gations on this interesting site may serve to supplement, and in part perhaps to 
rectify, these observations of fellow-explorers. 

The existing remains are distributed over three principal sites the modern 
town of Plevlje ; a side valley about two miles distant, still known as Old Plevlje ; 

and the hill of Sveti Ilija, lying about half an hour distant 
on the south-western margin of the plain. Plevlje itself, 
at present in mixed Turkish and Austrian occupation, is 
a busy market-town containing a population of about 8,000 
Serbs, Mahometan and Orthodox. It enjoys the luxury of 
fine mountain air and innumerable springs of the purest 
water ; but, excepting one or two stately mosques, there 
is little to remark in the present town beyond the ancient 
remains transported hither from the older site. These 
remains lie mostly on the western side of the town. In 
the bazaar street are two fountains built entirely of Roman 
blocks, amongst which is still to be seen the elegant 
sepulchral monument which arrested the attention of the 
Ragusan ambassadors. The inscription is interesting, as 
presenting, in a peculiar style of lettering and abbrevia- 
tion, the neo-Latin name-forms Amavilis for Amabilis and Masimile for Maximillce. 
The foundations of several of the Plevlje mosques are built almost entirely of 
ancient blocks. The Podstrazica Mosque contains four inscriptions walled, face 



" Giornale del Viaggio a Constantinopoli fatto dagli Ambasciatori della Bepubblica di Bagusa alia, 
Sublime Porta VAnno 1792. (In Engel. Geschichte des Freystaates Bagusa, Wien, 1807, p. 312, seqq.) 

b Monatsbericht der k. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaftm, 1866, p. 838, seqq. The inscriptions 
copied by Dr. Blau are given in C. I. L. iii. 6339-6357. 

c ArcMologisch-Epigraphische Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich, 1880. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyrieum. 27 

outwards, into its minaret, and seven more, some however no longer legible, in 
its basement/ One of these commemorates a Duumvir Quinquennalis and a sacral 
functionary; 6 another records a decree of the local Senate giving a site for a 
monument to some deceased municipal worthy. In the yard opposite the mosque 
was an altar turned upside down and half buried in the earth, upon which Dr. 
Hoernes a thought that letters could be detected. I had it dug out, but satisfied 
myself that ho trace of an inscription was now visible. Outside the Musluk 
mosque was another similar altar, with the remarkable inscription : 

I. 0. N. e 

The omission of the title of M(aximus) after O(ptimus) is rare, but not altogether 
unexampled/ on monuments of Jove ; and we may perhaps assume that the altar 
was dedicated to Jupiter Nundinarius, the patron of markets, a dedication 
eminently appropriate to the commercial position of the town. Amongst all the 
inscriptions existing at Plevlje itself that referring to the Municipium S. must 
command the highest interest. It is still to be seen on an imposing block oppo- 
site the Hussein Pasha mosque, as the Ragusans found it ; but for presuming to 
copy it I narrowly escaped stoning at the hands of the Mahometan rabble of the 
place, who seemed to imagine that the stone contained secrets only to be revealed 
to true believers. The inscription is of clear-cut letters of a good period. It 
records the erection of a monument to T. Aurelius Sextianus, " Eques Eomanus, 
Decurio Municipii S. . . . ," by his father, and the public gift of the ground to 
erect it on by a decree of the Decurions. 8 

The two examples, of which representations are given below (figs. 8 and 9), h 
may afford an idea of the prevalent style of sepulchral monument at this locality: 

a The inscriptions in the PodstraZica Mosque are given by Dr. Blau (cf. C. I. L. iii. 6344, &c.) 

b C. I. L. iii. 6344. c C. I. L. iii. 6345. 

d Op. cit. p. 7. " Im Hof derselben Moschee ist eine etwa Mannshohe Stele bis an den Fuss in 
die Erde vergraben. Ich konnte sie nur ein paar Fuss tief blosslegen und ueberzeugte mich, dass 
die Vorderseite eine romische Inschrift tragt, deren letzte Zeile die Buchstaben (M)ONTM(entom) 


Not, as erroneously given by Blau (C. I. L. iii. 6339), I . . M. The N is perfectly clear, and 
cannot be regarded as an imperfect M. 

1 Cf. I . . BESSVMAEVS. C. I. L. iii. 1053. 

8 It is given in C. I. L. iii. 6343. The punctuation, line 2, is however . E . Q . R. 

h Fig. 8 is from the PodstraZica mosque. Fig. 9 from the konak of Sali Beg. The inscriptions 
are incorrectly given by Dr. Blau (C. I. L. iii. 6346, 6349). My copies agree with Dr. Hoarnes' 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyricim. 

Fig. 9. 

The way from the modern town of Plevlje to the actual site of the Roman 
Municipium runs across the Cehotina stream by the Avdovina bridge, opposite 
which, on the left bank, is another fountain composed of ancient fragments, where 
I noticed part of an unpublished inscription (fig. 11). 

Following the left bank of the stream, about a mile and a-half further, more 
monuments and two inscriptions will be found in a cottage a near the confluence of 

1 The place is called Badosavac. The inscriptions are accurately described by Dr. Hoernes and 
need not be repeated here. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwm. 


the Oehotina and Vezeznica. At this point opens a beautiful undulating glen 
watered by the Vezeznica stream, where unquestionably the ancient city lay. a 

Fig. 10. 
Sketch plan of Plevlje and neighbourhood, app. scale inch to mile. 

Ancient remains and foundations occur all along the slopes that overhang the 
Vezeznica to the West. By the hamlet of Vidre and up the little torrent called the 

a My own impressions regarding the site will be found to agree generally with those of Herr 
Miiller and Dr. Hoernes as given by the latter in Arch. Ep. Mittheilungen, loc. cit. I differ, however, 
from my fellow-explorers in considering that the ancient site extended also to the right bank of the 
Vezeznica. I may take this opportunity of expressing my obligations to Herr Miiller for his valuable 
advice, although he was unfortunately absent' from Plevlje at the time of my visit. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


BabiS Potok a the foundations of walls and buildings are specially distinguishable. 
Here, in the country-house of a Selmanovic Beg, is an altar to Jove," and a 
sepulchral monument representing two heads in relief ; and at Koruga in the same 
neighbourhood, a house almost entirely composed of fine Roman blocks and monu- 
ments, and with a hopelessly effaced inscription in the stall below. Many of the 
blocks and monuments here and elsewhere on this site are of a peculiar black and 

white marble, others of a red marble, the 
same material as that of the Eagle relief 
described at Glorazda. The remains extend 
to the left bank of the Vezeznica, where are 
to be seen traces of what was apparently a 
Roman fountain, the sockets for the clamps 
of the stone- work being cut out of the solid 
rock above an abundant source. Near here, 
in the mud at the bottom of the stream itself, 
was observable the well-cut cornice of a large 
squared block, which with the aid of four men 
and with considerable difficulty I succeeded in 
dredging from the depths. It proved to be an 
altar to Silvanus (fig. 12) raised by a certain 
M.^Emilius Antonius, apparently the Duumvir 
of that name, who dedicated an altar to 
Jupiter Fulgurator at present existing oppo- 
site the Curkovac mosque in Plevlje itself. 
The third principal site besides Plevlje itself and the glen of the Vezeznica, 
where the ancient remains occur, is that of the hill of Sveti Ilija, lying about a 
mile and a half to the South-Bast of the last-named locality. A consideration of 
these remains brings us to a very curious part of our subject. The monuments at 
the spot already described are of characteristic Roman execution. The letters are 
often elegantly and boldly cut, and the ornamentation, if conventional, comes up to 
the usual municipal standard. The inscriptions refer to the civic officers, priests, 




Fig. 11. 

a Near here Dr. Hoernes found a fragment of an inscription reading L || CAMBJRIANVS || 

L . p. ; apparently in situ " Wahrscheinlich noch unverriickt an seiner urspriinglichen Stelle." 

b This reads I . . M . || STATITS || VICTOR . BRI||ZIDIA . v . L . TA. The last line is not quite 
correctly given by Dr. Hoernes, who gives v . L . p. 

c It reads i . o . M . F II M . AEMIL II ANTONIVK II n . VIR II L . p. 

Antiquarian Researches in Iltyricum. 




legionaries, citizens, for the most part with Roman names. A frequency of 
and Aurelius inclines us to believe that the Municipium was founded in Hadrian's 
time, and enlarged by a fresh settlement of 
veterans in the age of the Antonines. 

The remains on the height of Sveti Ilija are 
generally speaking of a very different character. 
The inscriptions are less boldly cut and the 
most important of them refers to the Populus 
and not the Decuriones. The monuments are of 
a decidedly ruder and more barbaric style, and 
a strikingly large proportion of the names are 
native Illyrian. There is in fact just that con- 
trast which we have already noted in the case of 
the remains at Blazui between the hill site and 
the valley site. The names, the style of the 
monuments, the position itself, proclaim this to 
have been the original Illyrian centre, and the 
discovery at this site of silver coins of Dyrrha- 
chium, one or two examples of which I saw, 
dating from about the year 200 B.C. affords by 
itself sufficient indication that an Illyrian staple 
existed here long before the Roman conquest of 
this remote part of the interior. 

The present nucleus of these remains is the 
little Orthodox church of Sveti Ilija or St. Blias, 
which gives its name to the steep isolated height 
on which it stands. This is a small Byzantine 
building, dating from the days of the old Serbian 
kingdom. Like the church of Milesevo, built by King Vladislav about the year 
1225, it had two stone lions with plaited manes on either side of the tympanum of 
the inner of its two portals ; a and there were remains of frescoes within, strongly 
resembling those in a ruined church near Trebinje, in Herzegovina." This Old 

a One of these had been knocked away by the Turks, who recently gutted the church and burned 
the priest's house. I found it in the yard of a cottage at Grevo, below the hill of St. Ilija, with some 
other ancient fragments. 

b At the village of Gomiljani the treatment of the drapery was curiously similar. 

Fig. 12. 

32 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricim,. 

Serbian church appears to have been a successor of a still earlier foundation, as 1 
noticed, built into its western fa ? ade, an open-work carving of the Christian 
monogram of the same form and style as those to be seen in the Eski Dzamia at 
Salonica, a church dating from the time of Justinian. The continuous habitation 
of the spot in Byzantine times is shown by the not unfrequent occurrence here of 
coins of the Eastern Empire; amongst those that I have seen was a silver 
miliaresion of Heraclius and Heraclius Constantine (A.D. 613 641), with the legend 
beus AbmtA RoCE>ANis, a and a besant of Manuel Comnenos (1143 1180). Con- 
sidering, indeed, the survival already noted of the indigenous Illyrian population, 
blended with the Slavonic, in the surrounding ranges, it is not improbable that the 
sanctity of the spot has been handed down from prehistoric times. " Saint 
Elijah," Sveti Ilija, to whom the church was dedicated in the Old Serbian days, 
is well known to have taken over most of his fiery attributes from Perun, the 
Thunder-God of the pagan Slavs. "Within the church, by an almost startling 
coincidence, an altar of Jove has been converted to the purposes of Christian 
sacrifice, and, on a spot so early hallowed, Jupiter himself must not improbably 
yield precedence of worship to a ruder Illyrian forerunner, the coeval of the 
Dodongean Zeus. b 

That the spot had been used for purposes of interment from pre-historic 
times, appears from the remains in its neighbourhood of gomilas or stone 
barrows, of a kind common throughout these regions, and dating, as their con- 
tents show, from the Illyrian bronze age. From one of these lately destroyed in 
building a house near Gorazda was found a remarkable bronze " kettle- wagon," 
a probable indication of an old commercial connexion between the aboriginal 
staples of this part of the Illyrian interior and the Illyrian Colonies beyond the 
Adriatic. The sepulture thus early begun was continued at this spot after the 
Roman conquest. The southern end of the hill of St. Ilija is literally undermined 
with graves, and the recurrence of native names on the sepulchral slabs of Roman 
date that have been discovered shows that those who under the Empire continued 
to bury their dead here were essentially of the same indigenous race as the 
barrow -builders who had gone before them. The remains were for the most part 
originally encased in pinewood coffins, traces of which are still to be seen ; and 

a Sabatier, Monnaies byzantiiies, i. 276, No. 59. 

b A head of Zeus appears on some autonomous Illyrian coins of Scodra and Rhizon. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 33 

these again were enclosed in rude stone cists, the direct descendants of the more 
massive cists to be found inside the "gomilas." In some cases the skeletons 
actually occur in a contracted posture, a primitive usage characteristic of the 
earliest Stone-Age interments, and representing the natural attitude of sleep 
among savages.* I obtained from one of these Illyro-Koman graves sufficient por- 
tions of a skull to establish the fact that it was brachycephalic, and with a rather 
narrow face, characteristics shared by modern Albanian heads. A plot to the 
South-Bast of the little church of Sveti Ilija is still used for burial by the Serbian 
rayahs of the neighbourhood, and some of the graves of these Slavonized indigenes 
date back to mediaeval times. 

The walls and pavement of the little church itself are largely composed of 
ancient monuments, amongst which Illyro-Roman sepulchral slabs predominate. 
Amongst these the style of workmanship and decoration is rude almost to gro- 
tesqueness, of which the annexed specimen (fig. 13) may give some idea. The 
upper part of the stone containing the busts is bedded into the pavement of the 
atrium ; the lower part with the inscription, which owing to its abraded state 
has been hitherto imperfectly decyphered, b is bedded into the pavement of the 
church itself. 

In this and other examples I was struck with the extraordinary way in which 
the characteristic ornamentation corresponds to that reproduced in the Middle 
Ages by the later inhabitants of these Alps for the same sepulchral purposes. 
There can be no doubt whatever that they simply took on the traditional style 
from their Illyro-Roman predecessors. The arch and spiral columns, the rose, 
the vine and tendril border of the above monument, the trefoil, the zigzag and 
rope moulding, and the wreaths characteristic of the ancient monuments of this 
site, are all alike the stock-in-trade of the sculptors of the later " Old Serbian " 
monoliths, of which so many are to be found scattered throughout these regions. 

It is to be observed that these Old Serbian monuments do not present nearly 
the same resemblance in characteristic decoration to the more artistic monuments 
of the cities of the Dalmatian littoral, or even to the better class of Roman monu- 
ments to be seen at Plevlje itself, as they do to the barbaric modifications of 
Roman forms existing on this old Illyrian hill-site. It would almost seem as if an 
unbroken continuity of indigenous sepulchral art had been preserved here through 

a This explanation of the practice of depositing the body in a contracted position has been 
suggested by my father in his Ancient Stone Implements fyc., of Great Britain, p. 135. 

b In C. I. L. iii. 6347, Dr. Hoernes read Ami, ' A, and considered that it contained the name 




Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwm. 

the days of Slavonic conquest and dominion, to receive a new development in the 
palmy days of the Serbian kingdom and czardom. It may, at least, be safely said 

Fig. 13. 

that the monuments of the Illyro-Roman cemetery at Sveti Ilija throw as much light 
on the later monuments of the country as the classic models of a more famous 
Campo Santo do on mediaeval Tuscan art. 

Opposite the west door of the church stands a huge sepulchral block of cubical 
form with a gabled top (fig. 14), which, in bulk at least, is the apt precursor 
of some of the later mediaeval monoliths of the country, and which, from an inscrip- 
tion on one side in Cyrillian characters, appears to have been actually adopted for 
sepulchral purposes by one of the later inhabitants of the land. Its front face 
contains the half-length figures of a man and his wife, of barbarous execution and 
of late character ; while on the sides are carved two Genii, one with a raised, the 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


other with a lowered torch, and wearing Phrygian caps like the same torch-bearing 
Genii which so constantly appear on Mithraic reliefs. It is probable that here, too, 

Fig. 14. 

they are to be taken in a Mithraic connexion as representing the ascending and 
descending soul, rather than as merely symbolical of grief or the extinction of 

The inscriptions are of considerable interest as presenting a variety of indige- 
nous Illyrian names, both male and female, with the characteristic ending in o, 
as Vendo, Panto, Apo or Appo, Tritano, Titto. It would appear that, in some 
cases at least, these forms are diminutives of longer names ; thus from Panes, 
gen. Panentis (of which the Pinnes of history, the son of Queen Teuta, represents 
only another form), is derived Panto ; from Aples, apparently, Apo. To any one 
acquainted with the modern inhabitants of the country a parallel must at once 
suggest itself in the Serbian diminitive name-forms of a precisely similar kind. a 
Thus, Panteleon becomes "Panto"; G-juragj (George), " Gjuro "; Nikola, "Mko"; 
Simeon, " Simo "; and so forth : of female names, Maria becomes " Maro," and 
Fatima, " Fato." That this peculiarity was taken over by the Slav occupants of 

" This parallel has been pointed out by Dr. Otto Blau (Reisen in Bosnien, p. 64), who gives 
many examples. 


Antiquarian Researches in Iltyricum. 


Illyricum from the native elements absorbed by them appears probable from 
its reappearance amongst the Albanians,* the true modern representatives of the 

Below the church, on the southern slope of the hill, are the remains of the 
pope's house, recently burnt by the Turks, in the foundation of which are several 
ancient monuments. One of the stone posts of the stable-door contains a dedica- 
tion to the Caesar, Diadumenian, A.D. 217 218, the shallow lettering of which is at 
present so weatherworn as to be almost invisible to the eye, except in a very 
advantageous light (fig. 15). b It is possible that this monument, though not of 

the usual rounded form, is of a milliary character; and 
that it would, if complete, record the restoration of 
roads and bridges in Dalmatia by Macrinus and his 
son. In the neighbouring provinces of Pannonia and 
Noricum several milestones have been discovered with 
the titles of these Emperors. 

The monuments and inscriptions on the hill of 
Sveti Ilija are for the most part of late date. While 
among the remains at Plevlje and Old Plevlje, from 
the actual site of the Municipium S. there are many 
inscriptions of a good period, some dating, probably, 
from the beginning of the second century of our era, 
it would be difficult to single out an inscription on the 
hill-site of earlier than third-century date. Yet, as 
we have seen, there are various indications that the 
site itself was in native occupation in times anterior 
to the Eoman conquest. We may infer that Roman 
arts and letters, which had reached the indigenous 
populations of the Save-lands by the time of Augustus, 
and those of the Adriatic coast at a still earlier date, 
were of much slower infiltration into these remote 

Alpine centres. On the hill-site of Sveti Ilija, the first monuments of this influence 
date, apparently, from the age of Severus. Yet the very memorials that indicate the 

tt Blau (loc. cit.) cites among female Albanian names of this kind, Laljo, Liljo, Kondo, Drano, &c. 
b Not in C. I. L. The inscription is given by Dr. Hoemes, loc. cit. p. 9. My own copy is some- 
what fuller. 

e C. I. L. iii. 3720, 3724, 3725, 3726, 5708, 5736, 5737, 6467. 


Fig. 15. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


operation of this Eojnanizing process show us how much of the aboriginal element 
remained. This survival of the indigenous names in a Latin guise, the semi- 
barbarous renderings of Roman sculpture and ornament, represent alike, in lan- 
guage and art, the beginnings of a rude Illyrian "Romance" and Romanesque. The 
mediaeval monuments of the country are direct descendants of these Illyro-Roman 
slabs. The names of "Stari Vlah," or "Old Wallachia," still applied to the 
bordering mountain districts, show us that the descendants of the Romanized 
natives, who buried their dead on the hill of Sveti Ilija, lived on in their ancient 
homes under Slavonic and Turkish as under Roman dominion. Though the 
numerous Rouman tribes and communities of these inland regions which we learn 
to know from the Old Serbian chrysobulls and the archives of Ragusa, have long 
since, for the most part, become merged in the Slav-speaking populations around 
them, a scattered Rouman population still lives on 
within the old Dalmatian limits in the valley of the 
Spreca. The great value of the monuments of the 
hill-site of Sveti Ilija is that they present to us the 
meeting-point of the Roman and the indigenous ele- 
ment, and supply us with the first records of the 
Illyro-Roman race, substantially the same as that of 
the Roumans or Wallachians of the western parts of 
the peninsula, predominantly Illyrian in pedigree, but 
speaking with national modifications the language of 
their Roman conqueror. 

One of the most interesting of the Sveti Ilija monu- 
ments has yet to be mentioned. This is a votive altar 
(fig. 16) dedicated to Jupiter, apparently for the health 
of a Procurator Augustorum, by the local Populus. 
Since it was first observed, the right-hand portion 
has been broken off, but the important part was 
happily preserved when I saw it. Dr. Hoernes, in 
his endeavour to identify the Municipium S. with 
the Stanecle of the Itineraries, believed that he 
detected on the lowest line traces of an inscription 
S/A////O///, which he would naturally complete STANECLOEVM; he admits, however, 
that only an uncertain trace of the S is to be found on his squeeze. After 
a searching and repeated examination of the stone, the result of several visits to 

Fig. 16. 

38 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

the spot in all lights, I have absolutely satisfied myself that the only letter is a 
well defined p in the middle of the pedestal. It is certain that no results obtained 
from a squeeze can weigh against the impression immediately produced by the 
monument on the human eye, and I am convinced that the appearances on which 
Dr. Hoernes based his reading were due to some slight natural irregularities which 
exist on the surface of the stone. 

The natural inference that we must draw is that the p standing by itself at 
the end of the dedication means simply " POSVIT." 

The great predominance of native Illyrian names on the hillside of Sveti 
Ilija and the generally barbaric style of the monuments show that the MVNICIPIVM 

s lay on the borders of a district still peopled by the indigenous race. 

To what Illyrian tribe did this Alpine region behind Montenegro belong in Roman 
Imperial times ? The tribe inhabiting the central valley of Montenegro itself 
was unquestionably that of the Dokleates, who at a later date passed on their name 
to the Serbian Dukljani. From Ptolemy's list of Illyrian tribes it appears that the 
northern borderers of the Dokleates were the Pirustas, beyond whom again were 
the Skirtones, whose name seems to connect itself with the Scordus or Scardus 
range. 6 The famous Illyrian mining race of the Pirustae was originally a branch 
of the Dassaretes, b who inhabited the valley of the Black Drin and the region 
of which Lychnidus on the present Lake of Ochrida was a centre, and may thxis 
have early exercised their mining industry in the neighbouring silver-mining 
district of Damastion and Pelagia. From Livy's account of Anicius's campaign 

a Ptol. Geog. lib. ii. c. 16. 

b Cf. Livy, lib. xlv. c. 25. For their connexion with Lychnidus, see lib. xliii. c. 9. "(Appius 
Claudius) ad Lychnidum Dassaretiorum consedit." Lychnidus was a central station of the 
Egnatian Way, and Pylon, a little beyond it to the East, was reckoned the boundary of Illyricum and 
Macedonia (Strabo, Geog. lib. vii.) 

c The silver coins of Damastion throw an interesting light on ancient Illyrian and Epirote 
mining industry. On the reverse of some of them are represented hammers, picks, the symbol of fire, 
and an object which Professor Gardiner, with great probability, considers to be bellows. The exact 
site of Damastion remains to be identified, but Dr. Imhoof-Bluruer, in his interesting account of some 
of the coins in the Zeitschrif t fur Numismatik (B. i. p. 99, seqq.), calls attention to the village name of 
Damesi, near Tepelen, where silver mines appear to have anciently existed. Closely allied to these 
coins of Damastion are those of Pelagia and others with the legend 2APNOATQN. The attempt of Dr. 
Imhoof-Blumer to identify the name Pelagia with Belagrita, an older form of the Albanian Berat, 
cannot be accepted, it being simply an Albanian corruption of a Slavonic Belgrad ; Tomaschek's 
comparison with Pljage is more hopeful. With regard to the attribution of both these places, how- 
ever, I shall venture some new suggestions. (See p. 89.) 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwm. 39 

against the Illyrian King Grenthios " we may infer that the territory of the Pirustse 
lay to the north of that of the Dassaretes proper and bordered on the lake-lands 
of Skodra. We are told that they seized the occasion of the Roman invasion to 
throw off their allegiance to King Genthios, and, from the context, it is highly 
probable that they played an important part in the native revolt, to suppress 
which the King's brother was called off at the critical juncture into the mountain- 
ous region to the East of the Lake. All this, coupled with the indication supplied 
by Ptolemy, points to their occupying the Alpine tract between the united Drin 
and the upper valley of the Lim, b where lay the rich silver veins that in the 
Middle Ages gave birth to the Serbian mining town and prolific mint of Brskovo, 
the counterfeit Venetian grossi of which brought down the anathema of Dante 
on the Rascian king. The evidence of Strabo, again, strongly coroborates 
the view that the race of the Pirustae extended into the valley of the Lim. 
He expressly classes this Illyrian clan along with the Mazasi and Dassitiates d 
tribes well within the modern Bosnian limits as of Pannonian kin, and the 
appearance of the Pirustas as mining colonists in Dacia might by itself be 
taken to show a certain geographical inclination towards the Danubian system. 

The names, again, on the wax tablets from the Dacian Vicus Pirustarum c 
seem to be characteristic of a race which formed a kind of connecting link be- 
tween the northern and southern Illyrian clans ; some, like Liccaius and Epicadus, 
pointing rather to Peeonian and Epirote kinship ; others, like that of Verzo and 
the oft-recurring name of Bato, being as distinctively Dalmato-Pannonian. The 
territory of the Daasitiates, with whom the Pirustaa are associated by Strabo, lay 
in Southern Bosnia, and from the milestone already referred to/ which places the 
Castellum Dcesitiatum 156 miles from Salonas, we should be led to seek for the 
stronghold of the tribe at least no further to the South-East than Rogatica or 

a Hist. xliv. c. 31, and xlv. c. 43. Polybios, xxx. 19. 

b The scene of the campaign of King Genthios' brother against the native rebels is indicated by 
his subsequent capture by the Roman general at Medeon to be identified with the hill-fortress of 
Medun, in Montenegro. This district was then occupied by the tribe of the Dokleates, whose civic 
centre Doklea still survives in the modern Montenegrin village of Dukle. See Archaeologia, vol. 
XLVIII. p. 84. 

c Prof. Stojan Novakovic" (Ead. xxxvii. (1876), 1-18) believes to have identified the site of this 
important old Serbian staple with the site of Plava, in the vale of Gusinje, where according to 
Hecquard are remains of a more ancient city. It is certain that Brskovo, the Brescova of the 
Ragusans, lay somewhere on the Upper Lim. (See Jirec'ek, op. cit. p. 69.) 

* Geogr. lib. vii. "EOvrj $' tori rSiv Ilavvoviwv . . . Tleipovarat Kai MoJaToi eat Aattrtnarat. 

e See p. 14. ' P. 


Antiquarian Researches in Iltyricum. 

Gorazda. It is possible that the Drina acted as a southern boundary between 
them and the Pirustae ; in any case, in view of Strabo's statement as to the Pan- 
nonian kinship of the latter, it is difficult to believe that in the age of Augustus 
the Pirustan border was far removed from the river which opens a natural avenue 
of communication between the ore-bearing ranges of the central Illyrian district 
and the Pannonian lands of the Save basin. In considering the obscure question 
of the boundaries of the Illyrian tribes considerable shifting and variations of 
area a at various epochs, due to wars and migrations, must always be taken into 
account ; and, although from the Dassaretian connexion of the Pirustas we should 
be inclined to seek their more ancient homes nearer the Epirote border, the dis- 
covery and exploitation of new sources of mineral wealth in Dalmatia, consequent 
on the Roman conquest, may itself have tempted this race of miners to extend their 
field of operations further to the North- West of their original area. That this 
should have occurred will appear all the more probable when it is remembered 
that the three important tribes of the Autariata3,D8esitiates, and Daorsi, or Daversi, 
who once held an extensive dominion in this part of Illyricum, had been reduced 
to very straitened circumstances by the Roman invader . b 

It is, perhaps, not an accidental incident that Livy, in describing the settle- 
ment of Illyricum after King Grenthios' defeat, in his list of peoples who had 
earned immunity from tribute by their timely defection from the native dynast, 
mentions the Pirustae immediately before the inhabitants of Rhizon, an Illyrian 
maritime emporium connected, as we have seen, with the ancient sites of this part 
of the interior by a line of Roman road, which, in all probability, followed the 
course of an earlier native line of intercourse. The name of the modern town of 

a Strabo, for example (lib. vii.), mentions that the Romans had driven the once piratic race of 
the Ardiasi away from the sea to a sterile tract of the interior where in the impossibility of obtaining 
sustenance the whole race had almost died out. He adds as similar examples the case of the 
Autariataa and Dardanii, the Gallic Boii and Scordisci, and the Thracian Boii. 

b Velleius Paterculus, lib. ii. c. 115. " Quippe Daorisi et Dsesitiates Dalmatae, situ locorum ac 
montium, ingeniorum ferocia, mira etiam pugnandi scientia et prascipue angustiis saltuum pcene 
inexpugnabiles, non jam ductu, sed manibus atque armis ipsius Csesaris, turn demum pacati snnt cum 
pcene funditus eversi forent." The Daorisi, Daorsi, or Daversi had, like the Ardiasi, been a maritime 
people, and, as is proved by their coins representing a galley with the legend AAOP2QN, had shown 
themselves receptive of Greek culture. Their original area lay to the South of the Narenta mouth. 
For the Autariatee see Strabo, loc. cit. 

Hist. lib. xlv. c. 26. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 41 

Perasto, near the site of Rhizon or Risinium, might by itself suggest a suspicion 
that its origin was not unconnected with the famous mining race of the interior, 8 
and that in the vicinity of Rhizon, as in that of the Dacian city of Alburnus 
Major, there had sprung up a Vicus Pirustarum. In the neighbourhood of Plevlje 
scope could be found for the mining industry of the race. I have myself seen 
specimens of silver and iron ore from the neighbouring mountains, and in making 
the new road there was discovered below the present surface the stumps of a 
mighty oak forest, which had been felled at a remote period, a circumstance 
thoroughly consistent with the former existence of extensive smelting- works. 
Here again the name Rudnice shows conclusively that mining operations were 
carried on in this vicinity in Slavonic times. 

At Sveti Ilija I noticed two Roman tiles with the following stamps. 

Fig. 17. Fig. 18. 

At Rogatac, a small hamlet in the Vezeznica valley, about an hour's distance 
to the North of the Municipium S., Herr Miiller had observed a sepulchral slab 
without inscription, but containing a relief of a Genius leaning on an extinguished 
torch. Hearing of other ancient monuments at Podpec, about an hour further up 
the valley in the same northerly direction, I resolved to visit the spot. As a 
sample of the difficulties which the explorer has at present to contend with in this 
part of the Ottoman dominions, I may mention that on my applying to the Pasha 
at Plevlje for an escort to this village he refused point blank, on the ground that no 
escort he could give me would be sufficient to guarantee my safety, and that in a 
village distant less than three hours from his seat of government ! I had, there- 

a I observe that the same etymology has occurred independently to Dr. Simo Rutar, Starine 
Bokokotorske (" Antiquities of the Bocche di Cattaro," in Program c. Jc. realnog i velikog Gimnazija u 
Kotoru, 1880). " Pri brojenju ovih slobodnih obdina spominje Livij Pirustas odmah prije Risna. I 
dandanaSnji imamo grad odmah pred Risnom, kojega ime, skoro do slova, jednako glasi kao Pirustcu, 

t. j. Perast od koga znamo da je prestari grad i da narod izvadja njegov izvor ved iz doba 

rimskih careva." (" In enumerating these free communities Livy mentions the Pirustaa immediately 
before Rhizon (Risano). At the present day too we have a town in the immediate neighbourhood of 
Risano the name of which corresponds almost to a letter with that of the Pirustee, namely Perasto, 

. of which we know that it is a town of great antiquity, the origin of which is traced back by the 
people to the time of the Roman Emperors.") 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

fore, to trust entirely to my own resources, but by adopting the disguise and 
character of an Effendi from Stamboul, and in company of a trustworthy native 
Mahometan, I succeeded in visiting Podpec without let or hindrance from the 
fanatics on the spot. The hamlet itself lies in a beautiful undulating valley, 
endowed with a singularly rich soil, and overlooked by the forest-covered ranges 
of Kolasine. On a height above were some mediaeval Serbian monuments ; a little 
below were the charred remains of the Orthodox church recently burnt by the 
Turks (who murdered the last priest), and around it a ray ah cemetery, where I 
found the annexed portion of an Illyro-Roman monument, made to serve the 
purpose of a Christian tombstone (fig. 19). Like so many of the Sveti Ilija monu- 
ments, it formed a record of piety towards female members of the family in this 
case an Amelia Panto, and another, Aurelia Testo (or perhaps Titto) monumental 
records which sufficiently attest (what indeed we may partly gather from historic 
sources) the prominence of women in the primitive Illyrian communities. 

Jng. 19. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

On the same slope of the hill I observed the remains of an ancient fountain 
constructed of Roman blocks ; and it seems to me to be by no means improbable, 
considering the beauty and fertility of the valley, that a Roman station existed in 
the immediate neighbourhood of Podped. It is to be observed, moreover, that the 
village lies on an old line of communication between the plain on which Plevlje 
stands and Jezero on the Upper Tara, a place abounding in monuments of at least 
mediaeval antiquity. The remains of an old Jcalderyn or paved way are to be 
traced leading up to Vezeznica Valley and past Podped in that direction ; and the 
occurrence of Roman remains along this road at Rogatac, and again at Poclpec, 
gives us some grounds for supposing that in this, as in so many other cases, the 
medieval paved-way follows the course of a Roman predecessor. 

It would appear that from the Municipium that existed on the site of Old 
Plevlje two main lines of Roman Way conducted to the Bast and South-East. 
From the discovery of an uninscribed monument and some other Roman frag- 
ments in the highland glen of Obavde, lying between Plevlje and Brdarevo on the 
Lim, Herr Miiller was inclined to believe that the Roman road which brought the 
Municipium S. into communication with the important Roman site near Prijepolje 
took a bend to the South, instead of following the more direct course of the 
existing road between Plevlje and Prijepolje. The 
remains at Obavde, however, may very well represent 
a direct line of communication between the Roman 
predecessor of Plevlje and the upper valley of the Lim, 
eventually bringing it into connexion with the ancient 
city, which, as we have seen, appears to have existed 
in the vale of Plava and the district where, in medieval 
days, rose the Serbian mint-town of Brskovo. That, on 
the other hand, the ancient road from the site of Plevlje 
to that of Prijepolje followed the same direct course as 
that actually existing, appears to me to be established 
by the discovery which I made on the Cieia Polje, at 
the top of the pass between these two places and near 
the present road, of a Roman milestone (fig. 20). The 
stone, which presents the usual oval section, was un- 
fortunately much mutilated and weather-worn, so that only a few of the letters 
can at present be decyphered. 

From this point the road descends somewhat abruptly to the fertile gorge of 


Kg. 20. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

the Seljafinica stream, at the confluence of which with the Lim, at a hamlet 
called Kolovrat, about half an hour's distance from Prijepolje, I came upon a 
highly-interesting Eoman site, recently discovered by Yice-Consul Miiller. A little 
above the road to the left of the stream was a brushwood-covered bank, consisting 
entirely of ancient fragments. Cornices and bases, altars, sarcophagi, sepulchral 
slabs, and lesser fragments innumerable lay about in wild confusion, and in the 
middle a broken column, and the base of another stood apparently in situ. 

Two of the blocks bear inscriptions. The first, an altar dedicated to Diana 
by T. Aur. Saturninus, Eques Bomanus, has been correctly given by Dr. Hoernes 
from Herr Miiller's drawings. It contains a votive address to the Goddess, of 
three lines, and in a metre that recalls a Prudentian hymn : 


The second stone, a large square slab, is of considerable interest as containing 
a reference to an Illyrian Clan and City. 

D M S 




H S - P 

Fig. 21. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 45 

In spite of a lacuna on the stone I was able to trace the first letters of the word 
AVRELI in monogram, an epithet which sufficiently declares that the Municipium 
with whose name it is coupled looked back with gratitude for civic benefits to 
the age of the Antonines. Herr Von Domaszewski " would complete the title 
"pRAEFeciws \iure mcundo Mvm'cipn] AVRELI S(A)LO(NIANI)." " Saloniana " is men- 
tioned by Ptolemy amongst the inland cities of Dalmatia, as lying in the same 
degree of latitude as JEquum, near Sinj, a district far removed from the valley of 
the Lim. Indeed, if we are to seek the site of the city here referred to as far 
away as Northern Dalmatia, it seems to me preferable to trace a reference to the 
better-known Dalmatian city of Splonum or Splaunum. This city, as we have 
seen, was one of the principal mining centres of the province, and a native 
Princeps belonging to it was of service to the Romans in exploiting the Dacian 
gold-fields. In this case the reading would be : PRAEFecfats lure mcundo wvmcipii 
AVRELI s(p)io(Ntsfomtm). Could it indeed be established that the Municipium of 
the mining community of the Splonistse was otherwise known as the Municipium, 
Aurelium, we might obtain a valuable clue to the hitherto unexplained legend 
METAL . AVRELIANI upon a small brass issue, resembling in every particular the 
coins referring to the Metalla Dalmatica. 

Whether the title in the third and fourth line of the inscription should be 
completed PRAEFecfais OIVITATIVM (MELCO)M, and be taken to conceal a reference to 
the Melcomani, mentioned by Pliny among the Illyrian clans represented in the 
Conventus of Narona, must, in the absence of further evidence, remain uncertain. 
The further suggestion, however, of Dr. Domaszewski, that the " PIADOME " of the 

first line contains the elements of two cognomina PIADO ME and that CARVANIO 

stands for the place of origin, can hardly be accepted as satisfactory. PIADOME .... 
I should prefer to complete PIADOMENO, and see in it a slight variation of the well- 
known Illyrian name PLADOMENVS, b while CARVANIO as closely resembles the name of 
King G-enthios' brother, who was captured by the Romans at Medeon, in the 
present limits of Montenegro, and who appears in Livy as Caravantius. The 
wife's name on line 7 is "Panto," and not " Testo." 

I was able to trace a succession of ancient fragments and remains for about a 
quarter of a mile's distance to the south, along the left bank of the Lim. In places 

Arch. Ep. Mitth. 1880, p. 14. 

b Of. C. I. L. iii. 2787, " PLADOMENVS . HERA . TVRI . F " ; 2797, " VENDO TVDANIA PLADOMENI r " ; 
6410, "(i) . . M APLV . DV//// MEVEETENS . PLaDOMENi . FILIV||." All from Municipium Riditarum. The 
termination do-menus has a Celtic sound, e. g. Dumno-vellaunus, Dumno-Rix, Cogi-dubnus, &c. 

46 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

were heaps of Koman masonry, showing that the Roman city which here existed 
must have covered a considerable area. At one spot I found a cornice and piece 
of the field of an inscription, but learnt that the inscription itself had been broken 
into fragments by the Turkish landowner in hopes of discovering gold or treasure 
inside the stone ; a superstition unfortunately widespread in these regions. 

At Prijepolje the present road to the South-Bast crosses the Lim by a wooden 
bridge built in 1550, supported on pillars, also of wood, and prowed so as to look 
like a row of vessels breasting the current. To complete the illusion of antiquity 
the bridge-head of this old-world construction is defended by a wooden tower. 
From this point the track leads up the valley of the Mileseva stream to the 
monastery of that name and the famous shrine of St. Sava, the Serbo-Byzantine 
frescoes of which are of the highest interest and considerable beauty. About an 
hour beyond the ruined peak castle of Milesevac," a stronghold of Serbian Kings and 
Emperors which protected the minster below and completely commands the defile, 
I found another Roman mile-stone. The stone was, unluckily, even more weather- 
worn than the last, insomuch that of the inscription hardly a letter was to be 
decyphered, but there could be no doubt as to the milliary character of the monu- 
ment, and its existence may be taken to demonstrate that the Roman road from 
the Municipium in the Lim valley to the south-east took substantially the same 
direction as the present track from Prijepolje towards Sijenica and Novipazar. 

The forest-covered range between Mileseva and Sijenica over which this ancient 
highway runs was known to early Venetian travellers as the Mountain of Morlac- 
chia and forms a part of the larger district already referred to, which still bears 
the name of " Stari Vlah," or " Old Wallachia." Both names afford interesting 
evidence of the survival of the Romance-speaking Illyro-Roman stock in this 
central Alpine region on the old Dalmatian and Dardanian borders. The Morlachs 
were not, as has been sometimes supposed, "dwellers on the sea" (in Serb Morjaci), 
but MavpopXa-xoi, or Black Vlachs, an etymology borne out by the early Dal- 
matian chronicler, the Presbyter of Dioclea, who, after identifying them with the 
descendants of the Roman Provincials, translates their name into Nigri Latini. 

a By the Turks called Hissardjik. 

b Eamberti, Viaggio da Venetia a Constantinopoli (In Vinegia, 1541), p. 6, " Passammo il 
castello di Millesevatz ed il Monte Molatscidi, che e come a dire Moncagna di Morlacco." 

c Presbyteri Diocleatis Eegnum Slavorum (In Lucius de Eegno Dalmatice et Croatia (Frankfort, 
666, p. 288) : " Vulgar! (sc. Bulgari) post heec ceperunt totam provinciam Latinorum qui illo tempore 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


In the upper valley of the Uvac, which washes the eastern flanks of this 
" Morlach " mountain, the village of Ursula still preserves the well-known Rou- 
man personal name of Ursulu = " Ursus ille" "il orso," finding its counterpart 
in another village near Vranja, further to the south-east Surdule, from a kindred 
Rouman name Surdulu.'' It is noteworthy in this connexion that the earliest 
treasury of Romance as opposed to classical Latin names in the Illyrian peninsula, 
relates largely to the Dardanian province on the confines of which we have now 
arrived. In the highly interesting list which Procopius gives us of Illyrian for- 
tresses built or restored by the Emperor Justinian," we find (side by side with 
names which attest the vitality of the old Thracian race and language in the eastern 
and central parts of the peninsula, and with others that connect themselves as 
conclusively with the Illyrian aborigines and the Slavonic new-comers) a whole 
catalogue of local names presenting Romance, and, it may be added, distinctively 
Rouman characteristics. There is no mistaking the significance of names like 

Romani vocabantur modo vero Morovlachi hoc est Nigri Latini vocantur." Opposed to these Crni 
Vlahi, or black " Vlachs " as they were also known, were the Bijeli Vlahi, or white " Vlachs," but on 
what the distinction was founded is uncertain. At a later period Mavrovlachia appears as the equiva- 
lent of Moldavia. It is to be observed that Lucius of Trail supplies the right derivation of the word 
Morlach ; and to him is really due the credit of having in his masterly chapter de Vlahis exploded 
the fallacy of their Transdanubian origin. The chief arguments adopted by Sulzer, Roesler, and 
other writers of recent times, will be found clearly and succinctly stated by the seventeenth-century 
Dalmatian antiquary. 

a Both Surdulu and Ursulu occur among the Rouman personal names in the foundation charter 
of the church of the Archangel at Prisren, issued by the Serbian Emperor Dusan in 1348. 

b Procopius de JEdificiis, lib. iv. 

These names are of peculiar value, as giving us an insight into the nomenclature of the'country 
districts of Illyricum in the sixth century of our era, a subject on which historians and geographers 
are for the most part silent. The ^powpm of Justinian were mostly small castles, or even mere block- 
houses, like the later Turkish karaulas, for the protection of the country-side. The age of castle- 
building on peaks has begun, and the sixth-century Castellum was doubtless in many cases the local 
predecessor of the " Grad," or central stronghold of the Slavonic "Zupa." The Roman or Romance 
names have frequent reference to mineral and other natural sources of revenue which it was desirable 
to protect, as Mr aria, Ferraria, Argentarias, Lapidarias ; in many cases they contain an honorary 
tribute to Emperors and Empresses, who reigned in the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries, e. g. Con- 
stantiana, Justiniana, Pulchra Theodora, Placidiana, &c. Names like Castelona, Braiola, Vindemiola, 
Lutzolo, Casj/eZZa have a decidedly Italian ring: others such as Ducepratum (?Doucepre), Lupofontana, 
Lucernarioburgus show us that the neo-Latin language of Illyricum had attained a Teutonic facility 
for forming compounds. In some instances, as " Sabini-bries " and " Prwco-pera," Latin and Thracian 
elements are blended. The Thracian, Illyrian, Slavonic, and Gothic name-forms are of the highest 
interest, but can only be referred to here. 

48 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

" Sceptecasas," " " Lupofontana," b " Marmorata," " Capomalva," " Tugurias," 
" Stramentias," and other kindred forms. In "Burgualtu" and "Gemello- 
muntes " we detect already the Illyro-Roman preference for U in place of 0. In 
" Maurovalle," the dark valley, we find the characteristic mixture of Greek and 
Latin; and the pass of "Klisura," another instance of the same, shows us the 
most typical of all Rouman name-forms already existing in sixth-century Illyri- 
cum. In "Erculente," again, we have the earliest example of the Rouman local 
suffix " -ente," of which we have already noticed an example in the Herzegovinian 
Turmente, parallels to which may be found in the Cici districts of Istria. Not 
in Dardania alone, but from the Adriatic to the Lower Danube, from the 
southern borders of Thessaly to the northern limits of Aurelian's Dacia, there 
existed already, in Justinian's days, an Illyrian form of Romance which, for 
better and for worse, had parted company from its western sisters, and which, 
rendered precocious by its very misfortunes, displayed already features which we 
recognise as specifically "Wallachian. "When in the succeeding century the Danu- 
bian Limes was finally broken down, and the Dalmatian, Moesian, and New Dacian 
provinces were overwhelmed with a Slavonic and Bulgarian deluge, we may well 
imagine that these central Dardanian fastnesses became a principal refuge and 
rallying point of the remnants of the Romance-speaking peasantry. It is not only 
in " Stari Vlah " and the mountain of Morlacchia that they have left abiding 
traces. In the ranges of the Shar mountains that overlook the Dardanian low- 
lands to the "West these traces, as I shall show, are not less apparent. 

Beyond the watershed of the " Montagna di Morlacco " the pine-forest gives 
way to bare downs of a schistose formation, rich in iron ore, from which the road 
descends into the grassy plateau of Sijenica, the next night-quarters for caravans 
after leaving Prijepolje. Here I was unable to discover any remains of Roman 
antiquity, but the square walls of the " Starigrad," or old town, have a curiously 
old-world aspect, and much recall those of Niksic." From this place the road to 
Novipazar (ten hours distant) leads over the pass of Dugopoljana into the fertile 
and wooded valley of the Ljudska, an upper branch of the Raska. In this glen, 
still known by the old Rouman term of Klissura, about two and a half hours 
distant from Novipazar, I observed the remains of an ancient paved road on a 

Cf. Wallachian, septe == 7. Accepting Tomaschek's emendation of another name in Procopius' 
Catalogue, " tredecitilias " gives us already the Wallachian tredeoi = 30. 

5 This compound reminds us of the common Slavo-Rouman local name Lupoglava = wolf's head. 
c This pass led from Illyricum into Greece. 
d See Archaeologia, vol. XLVIII. p. 86. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwn. 49 

stone embankment which crosses the former bed of the river, through which the 
stream has long ceased to run, by an arch of well-hewn masonry, known as Suhi 
Most, or " the dry bridge." It is difficult to resist the impression that this bridge 
(the character of which will be seen from the annexed cut), as well as the roadway 
it supports, are of Roman origin. In that case we have here the continuation of 
the Koman Way which brought the Municipia already described on the Gorazda, 
Plevlje, and Prijepolje sites into communication with the Dardanian and Mcesian 
cities to the South-East. 

Fig. 22. 

About three hours further down the valley, and three miles below Novipazar, 
on the banks of a tributary brook to the right of the Raska, is a domed, octagonal 
bath-chamber, built over a thermal source of the highest antiquarian interest. 

Undoubtedly the greatest caution is necessary in determining the age of 
buildings in these Turkish regions, however Roman, or at least Byzantine, may be 
their general appearance. In the case of the buildings, and notably the aqueduct of 
Skopia, I shall have occasion to illustrate the necessity of such caution; and in the 
present instance it is right to observe that the ground plan and general form of 
this bath-chamber do not essentially differ from those of bath-buildings of 
Turkish date, specimens of which may still be seen at Skopia and in the neigh- 
bourhood of Prisren. On the other hand, in all these parallel instances, so far 
as I am aware, there are to be seen distinctly Oriental features in the form of the 
arches and the decoration of the interior, features which are here conspicuous by 



Antiquarian Researches in Iltyricum. 

their absence. It may, therefore be preferable to regard the Turkish buildings 
which approach this form as imitations or restorations of pre-existing Byzantine 


The bath-buildings of Banja consist of two domed chambers, the first of 
which, whether built on ancient foundations or not, is obviously of Turkish con- 
struction. This chamber is surrounded by eight semi-circular niches, and on 
either side is a raised wooden platform, or divan, on which the Slavonic Maho- 
metans and Albanians, of whom the bath-guests are composed, lull themselves 
to their " siesta " to the somnolent purring of their narghilehs, or partake of a 
light refection of coffee, sherbet, and melons, to the more inspiriting strains of 
Albanian lays, sung to the wild accompaniment of the national tambura. In 
the centre is a vase-shaped marble fountain of cold water, surrounded by an 
octagonal basin, and the whole apartment serves at once as a frigidarium and an 

Fig. 23. 

From this, the more modern part of the establishment, a vaulted passage leads 
to another domed chamber, the site of which cannot .fail to impress the spectator 
with an idea of its great antiquity. In the centre is a large octagonal basin, into 
which the hot sulphur-springs flow, and where, when I saw it, a shaven crew of 
true-believers were disporting themselves. This central bath is tempered to tepid 
warmth by cold-water jets issuing from three somewhat altar-shaped fountains, set 
in three apse-like recesses behind it and on either side. These side-niches or apses 
give the interior a cruciform outline, and, taken together with the monumental 

Antiquarian Hesearches in Illyricum. 51 

fountains and the domed vault above, call up a reminiscence of Galla Placidia's 
mausoleum at Ravenna. The level of their pavement is raised a step above that 
of the central octagonal space of the bath-chamber, and in this, as well as the 
fountain or milliarium, in the innermost recess of each, we may trace an interesting 
analogy to the raised side-niche originally containing a fountain, of apparently 
similar form, in the Roman bath-chamber already described a at Bpitaurum. 

The central piscina itself descends in steps constructed, like the walls, of long 
narrow bricks. The domed vault above has evidently at some period fallen into 
a ruinous condition, and has been somewhat rudely restored, the upper part being 
eked out with wood- work. At the top of the vault is a round opening, canopied 
above, out of which the sulphurous and steamy exhalations that fill the whole 
chamber gradually find their way. The interior walls are coated with a sulphurous 

* Archaeologia, xlviii. p. 11. 
H 2 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

incrustation, but, where this has broken away, narrow brickwork of Roman 
character is distinctly perceptible. 

In the four angles of the building (the exterior outline of which is square), 
between the recesses formed by the entrance arch and the three apselike niches, 
are four small chambers set apart for the " Sudatio " and " Calda Lavatio." Bach 
is provided with a square marble fountain, from which issues a jet of thermal 
water, the temperature of which is so high that I could hardly bear my hand in 
it ; for the purposes of the douche it has, consequently, to be tempered with water 
from the cold source. 

^F.%~- .mlF 

i ^f^j^J. -^- '-* 4 TJ UI - ) ?^- MP!; ' 
IS '^,-^ . ' " - _i- . -i ~ 

Fig. 25. 

The domed vault above the piscina of the central chamber is externally contained 
in a low octagonal tower rising above the roof of the lower quadrangular part of 
the building, and covered itself with a sloping roof which conceals its interior 
dome. This octagonal character of the central part of the building, as well as 
the octagonal bath, the side niches, and the dome externally concealed, cannot fail 
to recall the characteristic features of early-Christian baptisteries of fourth, fifth, 
and sixth-century date, such as are still to be seen at Novara, Ravenna, Aquileja 
and elsewhere. The octagonal fans baptisterii of these early-Christian buildings 
is well known to be identical in shape, as well as name, with the baptisterion of 
Greco-Roman baths ; and the steps, by which the interior of the present bath 
descends, afford an interesting point of comparison with the font of the old 
baptistery at Aquileja. It is a natural inference that the Christian baptisteries of 
the later Roman Empire represented in their general form a then prevalent style 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


of bath-building. Of this, indeed, we get little evidence in Vitruvius, or in 
existing Roman remains in Western Europe. The small sudatory chamber known 
as the " Laconicum," a though hemispherical at the top, can hardly have been the 
prototype of these spacious Christian vaults. On the other hand, we learn from 
Timarchos that the Athenian baths were domed and circular inside, b and we should 
be naturally inclined to seek the Christian models in the eastern half of the Empire. 
The striking points of resemblance between this Dardanian bath-chamber and the 
early-Christian baptistery go far to show that the Thermal under notice present to 
us an example of the late-Roman type of bath-building, the existence of which 
may be inferred from its ecclesiastical adaptation. 

I learnt that two " Latin " inscriptions had been in recent times removed from 
the neighbourhood of the baths to the JconaJc at Novipazar ; one had since been 
broken up and the other was lost. There are, however, other remains of at least 
late-Roman antiquity with which the Tliermce seem to stand in a special connexion. 
On a height that rises on the opposite bank of the Raska stands an ancient church 
known as the Petrova Grkva, the church of St. Peter and St. Paul. This building 
has been considerably restored and rebuilt at various times, and in so piecemeal a 
fashion that its present ground-plan is one of the most irregular that it is possible 
to conceive. Enough, however, of the original church remains to show that it was 
once of circular form with a low octagonal tower in the centre, which still exists, 
concealing a cupola under its low tiled roof, and supported below by massive 
columns. It was in fact an example of the circular mausoleal churches, dating 
from Constantino's time onwards, as a specimen of which on Illyrian soil we may 
take the church of St. Donato at Zara. The natives have a tradition that it was 
originally a temple converted to Christian uses ; an antiquity as great as Justinian's 
time may however be claimed for it with more reason. At present it is used as a 
Turkish magazine. 

It is indeed by no means improbable that both the bath-buildings and the 
church owe their existence to the architectural activity of Justinian in his native 
Dardanian province to which Procopius bears such ample testimony. The archi- 

a The Laconicum, being merely a steam-bath, had no piscina, as will be seen from the repre- 
sentation of the chamber supposed to be a Laconicum discovered at Pisa, and given by Robortelli 
(in Scribonius Largus, ed. Rhodius. Patavii, 1655). This Pisan example is a domed circular 
chamber with niches, small square windows round the vault, and an opening at the top. 

b In AtJien. xi. p. 561, quoted by Marquardt, Eijmische Alter thiimer, part v. p. 299. 

c The jealous precautions of the Turks prevented me from examining the interior. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

tectural activity of Justinian in Illyricum is the counterpart to that of Theodoric 
in Italy, and the restoration of bath buildings connected with thermal springs as 

Fig. 26. 

well as the erection of Christian temples and baptisteries formed part of the 
pious work alike of Gothic King a and Roman Emperor. But there is, I venture 
to believe, in the present instance direct evidence connecting the name of Justinian 
in his capacity of builder with this immediate vicinity. It was here that in the 
early Middle Ages stood the old Serbian town and royal residence of Raa, on the 
river of the same name (now generally known as the Raska), which gave its name to 
the kingdom of Raska or Rascia. Now, remembering that the Arsia on the Istrian 
confines has been Slavonized into Rasa, we have, conversely, a priori grounds for 
assuming that here too the original form of this Serbian Rasa was also Arsia or 
Arsa in Roman times. When, therefore, we find the Castellum of Arsa mentioned 
among the Dardanian strongholds restored by Justinian, 6 we can have little 
difficulty in identifying it with the later Raa. 

From Constantine Porphyrogenitus c it appears that in the tenth century 
Rasa was a frontier stronghold on the then Bulgarian and Serbian confines. 

* It would be interesting to know know far the bath-buildings restored by Theodoric over the 
famous hot springs of Aponus, near Patavium (Oassiodorus, var. ii. Ep. 39), were the counterpart of 
S. Giovanni in Ponte. 

b Procopius, De ^Sdificiis. 

c De Adm. Imp. c. 32. The Bulgar Prince Blastimer, captured by the Serbs, is on his release 
uafely re-conducted pixf v <rw6p<av ea>f rijc 'Pd<ri). 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwm. 55 

Captured, lost, recaptured, and lost again by the Byzantines, 8 it early became an 
important Serbian centre, giving its name to the upa as later to the kingdom of 
" Rascia " itself. The bishopric of which the church of St. Peter and St. Paul 
was the cathedral church is mentioned as early as 1020, and in its neighbourhood b 
rose the royal castle and the grander foundations of the Neman j as, the church of 
G-jurgjevi Stupovi, the ruins of which are to be seen on the height above, and the 
monastery of Sopocani. 

The commercial importance of this part of the Raska Valley is evidenced by 
the rise of the mediaeval Serbian staple of Trgoviste d (literally "Market-place "), 
later known as Novipazar. It was at this point that the caravan route from 
Ragusa and Bosnia bifurcated into two lines, one towards the plain of Kossovo, 
Skopia, and ultimately Salonica; the other, the direct line to Constantinople, 
taking a more easterly route via the Toplica Valley, and thence to Nish, the ancient 
Naissus, where it struck what has always been the main highway of communication 
between Central and "Western Europe and Eastern Rome. In view of the evidence 
that I have already adduced, all tending to show that the mediasval Ragusan trade- 
route to the South-East followed substantially the line of a more ancient Roman 
highway, we are led to conclude that in Roman as in mediaeval times the branching 
point of important lines of way leading from Dalmatia to the Dardanian Plains, 
Scupi and Thessalonica on the one hand, and to Naissus, ultimately to Byzantium, 
on the other, lay in the neighbourhood of these Rascian Thermae. 

The more southerly of these routes, that conducting to the plain of Kossovo, 
has, after leaving the valley in which Novipazar and the baths of Banja lie, to 
traverse the ranges of Mount Rogozna. The present highway first emerges on the 
level country near the town of Mitrovica and the historic ruins of the castle of 
Svecani, the Byzantine Sphentzanion. About three hours before reaching this the 
route passes through a well-watered gorge, in which rise the hot-springs of 
Ban j ska, where ancient monuments e exist, showing that it, like the baths of the 

T6 Vaaov <j>povpiov in Kinnamos (Hist. lib. ii.) taken by the Serbs from the Byzantines (Hist. 
lib. iii.) ; retaken by the Emperor Manuel. Kinnamos reckons it a Dalmatian stronghold. 

b The castle of the 2upans and later Kings is, as Jirecek points out (Die Handelsstrassen, &c. 
p. 77), to be sought in the neighbourhood of the episcopal church. 

c A description of the remains of Gjurgjevi Stupovi will be found in Travels in the Slavonic 
Provinces of Turkey-in-Europe, by G. Muir Mackenzie and A. P. Irby, 2nd ed. vol. i. p. 273. 

ll Jirefiek, op. cit. p. 77. 

e Captain Sterneck of the Austrian Survey has given a very imperfect copy of a Roman 
sepulchral inscription from Banjska in his Qeographische Verhaltnisse, Communicationen, und das Beisen 
in Bosnien, der Herzegovina, und Nord Montenegro, PI. IV. (Vienna, 1877). 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

Raska Valley, was a Roman thermal station. At KadiaSki Han, about an hour to 
the north-west of this, I came upon a monument which indicates the existence of 
a Roman civic foundation on a site of the highest economic interest. 

At Kadiacki Han Miss A. P. Irby had observed a drinking-trough believed by 
her to be a Roman sarcophagus, and she and her companion were informed, in 
answer to their inquiries, that it had been originally transported hither from the 
village of Socanica, about two hours' distant, in the Ibar valley." The stone-trough 
had, in fact, been observed in its present position by the Ragusan ambassadors, 
who passed this way in 1792, and it was recognised by them to be of Roman work- 
manship. 11 I found it to be, as these travellers had stated, a Roman sarcophagus, 
and was able to decypher upon it the following inscription, showing that the village 
in which it orginally existed had been formerly the site of a Roman Municipium. 

Fig. 27. 

It is impossible, in the present state of our knowledge, to give the full name of 
the MVNICIPIVM D.D., of which this Felicianus was DBCVRIO. The village of Socanica, 
where the monument originally stood, contains a variety of ancient remains, 
including, I was informed, several "written stones." Near it are the ruins of an 
old Serbian church, dedicated to St. Cyril and St. Methodius, the Apostles to the 
Slavs. What makes the former existence of a Roman civic Commonwealth in this 
neighbourhood of peculiar significance is the character of the mountain mass 

which here overlooks the Ibar valley. This range is known to its present Serbian 

1 The Slavonic Provinces of Turkey-in-Europe, by G. Muir Mackenzie and A. P. Irby, vol. i. 
p. 262 (2nd ed.) 

b Oiornale del Viaggio a Constantinopoli fatto dagli Ambasciatori della Bepublica di Bagusa alia 
Sublime Porta VAnno 1792. " In distanza di nn' ora del sequente alloggio (Banjska) trovarono 
una fonte che scorreva in nn' urna antica ben lavorata, ma molto patita, coll' izcrizione latina che per 
troppo fretta non ebber commodo di leggere." (In Engel. p. 320.) 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


inhabitants as Kopaonik, or the " Mountain of Mines." To the mediaeval Ragusan 
and Italian travellers it was known as the Montagna delV Argento, or Monte 
Argentaro, names which it is difficult not to bring into connexion with the 
" Argentaria " of the Tabula Peutingeriana, already mentioned as the extreme 
south-eastern goal of a main-line of Dalmatian roadway leading inland from 
Salonae. The successful exploitation of the rich silver veins of this range by the 
Ragusan and Saxon miners gave birth in the early Middle Ages to the important 
mining town of Trep6e, only a few miles distant from this Roman site, and, some- 
what further to the South, the still more famous city of Novobrdo the Nyeuberge 
or Newburgh of the Saxon colonists of which Dr. Jirecek justly remarks, that 
from the middle of the fourteenth to the middle of the fifteenth century it was the 
most important civic foundation in the whole interior of the Balkan peninsula. b 
Fabulous reports of its mineral wealth reached foreign countries, and a Byzantine 
writer goes so far as to assert that gold and silver were literally ploughed out of 
the soil. When the Burgundian traveller, La Brocquiere, passed through Serbia in 
1433, he learnt "from well-informed persons" that the Despot obtained from the 
mine here over 200,000 ducats annually. 

The mineral wealth of this district, and its economic importance in mediaeval 
times, makes it all the more desirable that the site of the Roman Municipium, 
proved by the present inscription to existed on or near the slopes of the 
" Silver Mountain," should be thoroughly explored. Unfortunately this European 
terra incognita is still in Asiatic possession, and I was prevented by the Turkish 
authorities from following up my investigation on the site of Socanica itself. 

ft E. g. Ramberti, Delle Cose de Turchi, p. 7 (In Vinegia, 1541) : " Passamo la Montagna dell' 
Argento ... si chiama dell' Argento perchio che continuamente vi stanno huomini in essa che 
cavano argento." 

b Die Handelsstrassen Serbiens, &c. p. 55. " Novo Brdo (Novaberda, Novabarda, in Lat. Urk.) 
Novus Mons, Novomonte der Italiener, Nyeuberge der sachsischen Bergleute, No/JoTrupyoc, TXo/ioirpodov 
der Byzantiner, war, 1350-1450, die grosste und beriihmteste stadtische Ansiedelung des ganzen 
Innern der Halbinsel. Von ihren Schatzen erzahlte man sicli im Auslande ganz fabelhafte 
Geschichten ; der Byzantiner Kritobulos schreibt Gold und Silber werde hier formlich aus dem 
Boden hervorgeackerfc." 

Bertrandon La Brocquiere, Counsellor and First Esquire-Carver to Philip-le-Bon, Duke of 
Burgnndy, Travels to Palestine and return from Jerusalem overland to France during the years 1432-1433. 
Translated by T. Johues at the Hafod Press, 1807, p. 274. " The Despot of Servia possesses towards 
the common confines of Bulgaria, Sclavonia, Albania, and Bosnia, a town called Nyeuberge, which 
had a mine producing both gold and silver at the same time. Each year it pays him more than two 
hundred thousand ducats, as well-informed persons assured me ; without this he would be soon 
driven out of his dominions." 


58 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

From SoCanica the Ibar valley forms a natural avenue of approach to the 
historic plain known as the Kossovo Polje, or " Field of Thrushes," and in ancient 
times, as at present, two lines of road, the Ibar valley line and that which 
leads more directly from Novipazar, past the Eoman thermal station at Banjska 
must have converged about the actual site of Mitrovica. On the Kossovo Polje 
itself ft was frmnd a Roman sepulchral slab, described by the Serbian traveller, 
Milojevi6. b In the centre of the southern part of this plain lies the village of 
Lipljan, which, as Dr. Jirec'ek has pointed out, is simply the Slavonized form of 
the important Dardanian city of Ulpiana. 

The old Byzantine church at Lipljan, to which I will return, as well as a neigh- 
bouring cistern, is largely composed of Eoman fragments. Outside the church I 

* Since this paper was communicated to the Society of Antiquaries a copy of the following 
interesting inscription found at Batus, in the Kossovo Polje, has been sent by Signor Paolo Orsi to the 
Arch. Epigr. Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich (1883, heft 1. p. 146), the ligatures here omitted : 

I . . M . V / PP 
D . D . ET . GEN// 
PRO S . DN . IMP . 
/L . S . A . V . S . L . M . AVG . 

Which is there read : 

J(ow') O(ptimo) M(aa?imo) &(omtii) d(ivince~) et Gen(io) Stationis pro s(alute) d(omtm') 

n(osin') Severi Alexandri Aug(wsfo') Valerianus specul(aior) Leg(tonis) mi (F)l(aOTce) S(everiance) 
A.(lexandrianoi) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) Aug(usta) (sic) Severo Alexand(ro) [n] etAufid(io) 
Marcello [n Go(n)sQulibus]. The D.D. in the second line seems to connect itself with the Muni- 
cipium D.D. the existence of which I have now established in this neighbourhood. Perhaps the 
preceding letters should be read R.P., i. e. Rei Publics D.D. The inscription is of 226 A.D. 

" Putopis Stare Srbije, pi. i. (since published by Engelhardt, Revue Archeologique, 26 (1863), 141 ; 


c Handelsstrassen und Bergwerke von Serbien, &c. pp. 2, 68. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


observed a fragmentary inscription (fig. 28), and the altar within was a Roman 
sepulchral monument turned upside down (fig. 29) , a 

D M 



Fig. 28. 

Fig. 29. 

About a third of a mile to the North-Bast of the church is a knoll covered with 
ancient elms, from which quantities of Roman blocks, including three containing 
inscriptions, had been recently excavated. According to the engineer, who 
informed me of this fact, the inscriptions had been sent to Constantinople. Near 
this spot is a mill entirely composed of the same blocks. The knoll is known as 
Gradina, and was evidently a part of the Roman city. The clump of trees which 
covers it the Lipljanski Dubovi, as they are called, is a landmark throughout the 
whole length of the Kossovo Polje, and is visible from Mitrovica at the far end of 
it. The Roman town appears to have extended some distance to the West of this 
spot, and to have covered the low hilly spur below which lies the village of Grus- 
tarica. According to the peasants, the whole of this hill is underlain with founda- 
tions of houses, while the fields are strewn with broken tiles and pottery. In the 
Serbian church at Lower G-ustarica I found an altar of Jupiter, considerably 
obliterated (fig. 30), and by the roadside, a little above the village, was a fragment 
of another altar to the same God (fig. 31). 

Further up the valley lies the little town of Janjevo, near the Latin church, of 

a The inscription has been published by Hilferding (Bosnia, Herzegovina i Stareja Serbia) (Eph. 
Ep. iv. 215) in an incorrect form. 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwm. 

which is an inscription already described by Von Hahn ;" while, outside the 
mosque, lies a fine piece of a Roman cornice. To the North- West of this, on the 



M s 




I \/; ; !.- _* 

Fig. 30. 

Fig. 31. 

other side of a mountain spur, lies the old Serbian monastery of Gra6anica, with 
its noble church, the foundation of King Miljutin and his wife Simonida Paleologa. 
It is obvious that the Serbian architect of this church has laid the neighbouring 
ruins of Ulpiana largely under contribution. Many Roman fragments are to be 
seen, both within and without the building, and in the Proavlion lies a large 
sepulchral block with an inscription. b An intervening range of hills separates 
G-racanica Minster from the considerable Turkish town of Pristina, the seat of the 
Vali of Kossovo and the true representative of Ulpiana in the modern economy of 
these regions. Here, opposite the mosque of Sultan Murad, I noticed an altar-like 
monument (fig. 32), which, as I learned from a native Mahometan, had been 
brought, about fifty years back, from Lipljan, and placed in its present position. 
Every letter of the inscription had been purposely defaced by the Turks. From 

a Beise von Belgrad nock Salonik, p. 240. C. I. L. iii. 1691. I was informed by the monks that 
this inscription had originally been found on Mount Veljetin above the town, where there are said to 
be other remains. 

b C. I. L. iii. 1695. I could no longer see 1694. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. Q] 

the few words, however, still decypherable, it appears to have been an epitaph 
in verse. 



Near to the same mosque was a fountain, the trough of which had been formed 
out of a Roman sarcophagus, containing the lower part of an inscription (fig. 33). 

Fig. 33. 

A noteworthy feature of the monuments from the site of Ulpiana is their 
material, in many cases a very beautiful kind of rose-veined marble. It is the 
same stone of which the exquisite old Serbian church of Decani is constructed, 
and was not improbably derived from the same inexhaustible quarries in the 
eastern gorges of the Shar. In other ways the immediate neighbourhood afforded 
a natural supply of building material, as I noticed clay-pits within a hundred yards 
of the knoll of Gradina, where brick-making of a rough kind was being carried on 
by the modern inhabitants of Lipljan. 

The glen which leads from the site of Ulpiana to the little town of Janjevo 

62 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

affords interesting evidence as to the industry of the ancient city. In places it is 
literally strewn with iron ore, and at one spot was pointed out to me an opening 
in the mountain side, said to be an old mine, with a passage leading an untold 
distance into the earth. At Janjevo itself there is a chalybeate spring and the 
whole district abounds in mines. Situated in one of the southernmost recesses of 
the Montagna d'Argento, not far from Novobrdo, it was already in the Middle Ages 
a centre of mining industry and the seat of a Ragusan colony, 8 and the present 
occupation of the inhabitants, as well as the predominance of Latin Christianity 
among them, is an inheritance from prae-Turkish times. They enjoy a special 
reputation in the Peninsula as metal-workers, and, with their Vlach b instinct for 
itinerant commerce, sell their cheap jewelry and church ornaments through all 
the countries between the Black Sea, the -iEgean, and the Adriatic. The amount 
of ancient coins, to a great extent from this neighbourhood, in the possession of 
these Janjevo silversmiths, was truly astonishing, and shows the early commercial 
importance of this metalliferous region. Exclusive of the Roman and Byzantine 
coins, including a find of three or four thousand small brass pieces of the age 
of Valens and Valentinian, and another smaller find in which coins of Claudius 
Gothicus predominated, I observed Macedonian tetradrachms of Philip III. and 
Alexander, with Celtic imitations of a class which extends to Pannonia and the 
Lower Danube, and silver coins of Paeonia and Thasos. 

Standing on the knoll of Gradina at Lipljan it is not difficult to realize the 
importance of the ancient Ulpiana in Illyrian geography. A watch-tower built 
at this spot would command the whole of the Kossovo plain. To the South the 
Pass of Kacanik affords an easy access to Macedonia, while the ranges to East and 
West dip down on either side and open into convenient passes towards the valleys 
of the Morava and Drin. It appears, in fact, from the Tabula and the Geographer 
of Ravenna that Ulpiana lay on a line of Roman road bringing Naissus (Nish) into 
connexion with the Adriatic port of Lissus (Alessio). That this high-road was 
not always an unmixed advantage to Ulpiana appears from a passage of the 
Gothic historian Jordanes, who informs us that Theodemir the Amalung (the father 
of Theodoric), having possessed himself of Naissus, sent forward some of his 
" Comites " by this route, who, passing through the intermediate station, Castrum 

a See JireCek, Die Handelsstrassen, Ac. p. 57. 

Some of the inhabitants here are recognised to be Roumans ; most understand the Rouman 
language. Their wanderings sometimes extend beyond the Russian frontier. 
c In Ravennas the name appears under the form Ulciano. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 63 

Herculis, captured Ulpiana and took considerable booty. 8 It is probable that IJlpiana 
suffered from the great barbarian incursion of 517 and from the terrific earthquake 
described by the Illyrian chronicler, the Comes Marcellinus, which in the succeed- 
ing year destroyed twenty-four Dardanian strongholds." When Justinian set about 
his work of restoration in his native province the walls of TJlpiana were in a 
ruinous condition." The Emperor, not content with rebuilding the walls and 
generally embellishing the town, gave it the new and honorary name of Justiniana 
Secunda, raising it thus to the second dignity among Illyrian cities after his more 
famous metropolis Justiniana Prima. 

The ecclesiastical importance of Ulpiana is shown by the mention of a bishop 
from this place at the Council of Serdica in 347 and again in the (Ecumenic Synod 
that met at Constantinople in 553 ; and it is to be observed, as showing the persist- 
ence of the earlier name, that, although the city is officially referred to in the 
Acts of this Synod as Justiniana Secunda, the bishop, Paulus, signs himself 
Episcopus Ecdesice Ulpianensis. In the early Martyrologies and the Acta Sanc- 
torum the two martyrs, Laurus and Florus, are associated with this ancient City. 
According to the legend, 3 which is common to both the Eastern and Western 
Churches, Florus and Laurus, like so many other Illyrian saints, were stone- 
masons by profession, 6 a fact not without interest in connection with the quarries 
of the neighbouring ranges of the Shar, the exquisite marble from which forms 
such an ornamental feature amongst the existing monuments of the Roman city. 
The two masons, then engaged in practising their craft in " the city of Ulpiana 
in Dardania," were employed by the Emperor Licinius to build a temple. 

Jordanes, De Getarum sive Gothorum Origins, c. Ivi. : " in villain comites per Castrum Herculis 
transmittit Ulpiana." The name is used in both its singular and plural form, Ulpianum, Ulpiana. 

Cf. Schol. ad Ptolem. iii. 9,6; "T& Ov\mavbv, Oi>\iriava ica\ovfievov irapa ro~if /leraffrearipoif." (CloSS. ad loC.) 

The mention of Castrum Herculis, the Ad Herculem of the Tabula, the first station on the line 
Naissus-Ulpiana, fixes the route followed. 

b Marcellinus Comes, Chron. sub anno, 518. See p. 89. 

c Procopius, De JE&. iv. 1. : " rfv Si nc lv Aapdavoif tK ira\awv iroXig ijirep Ov\iriava uvofiaaro ; rav-nif 
TOV irepiftoXov Ka9e\uv IK TOV lmir\iiaTov (fjv yap O(j>a\epbf ef ra fiaXiara (cat iiXwf oxpeiof) a\\a re avry irafiir\ri6?t 
tyicaXXwmV^jara iroir]aa/iivof, if re rrjv vuv HfraBtfievof (vKoafiiav, afKovvSav avr^v '\ovnnviavfiv liriavo/iaaev. aexouvSav 

yap r!jv Sivripav Aarlvoi \eyovm. He built another city near it which he named Justinopolis, in honour 
of his uncle Justinus, an indirect piece of evidence that Procopius is right in making Justinian's 
fatherland Dardania. (See p. 137.) 

d Acta SS. t. 35, p. 522. The Martyrinm chiefly followed in the Acta 88. is headed : "Auctore 
Laurentio Monacho Rutiensi in Calabria," and is written in Greek. The chronology is obscure, 
the account being divided between the reigns of Hadrian and Licinius ! 

e rfiv \i9oCowv lieiraiStvovrat Tt\vt}v. They had been originally in Constantinople but afterwards 
practised their craft at Ulpiana. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

Having built it, however, the Saints one night collected a great number of poor 
people, to whom they were in the habit of giving alms, and in their presence 
pulled down the idols with which Licinius had filled the building, whereupon the 
Governor" ordered them to be cast down a deep well. 

In Justinian's time, the peace of the city seems to have been disturbed 
by ecclesiastical factions. Procopius informs us that a force that was being 
despatched by Justinian's orders to aid the Lombards against the Gepidas, was 
tletained at Ulpiana by the Emperor's orders, " by reason of an outbreak amongst 
the inhabitants, due," as he somewhat ironically expresses it, " to such questions 
as Christians are wont to dispute about." 

The old Byzantine church of Lipljan is a very interesting memorial of the 
former ecclesiastical importance of the place, which was still a bishop's seat in 
the days of the Bulgarian empire and recovered Byzantine dominion. 6 Internally 

Fig. 34. 

" See the chrysobull of Basil II. reorganising the Bulgarian Church (1020). JireSek, Gesch. d. 
Hulrjaren, p. 202. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 




66 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricmn. 

the church shows a regular Orthodox arrangement, the roof being supported by 
two massive piers and the iconostasis wall, the Proavlion, however, being a later 
addition. In external form it resembles a small basilica, terminating in a tri- 
lateral apse, a feature which it shares with many early Byzantine churches at 
Thessalonica and elsewhere, but which also reappears as a characteristic of the 
mediaeval Slavonic foundations of the Skopia district. In one important respect, 
however, the church of Lipljan differs from all the Byzantine, Serbian, and Bul- 
garian churches of the interior of the Peninsula with which I am acquainted. It 
is entirely devoid of cupola or dome. Moreover, in the construction of its walls, 
it combines to an extraordinary degree the characteristics of late-Eoman work. 
The alternating layers of stones and narrow bricks, the herring-bone arrange- 
ment of the latter and the exterior arches, inclosing the small round-headed 
windows, make upon one the impression of extreme antiquity ; and, although these 
features are reproduced to a greater or less extent in the mediaeval churches of 
this region, it may safely be said that not one of them so completely transports 
the spectator to prge-Slavonic times as the church which marks the site and 
perpetuates the name and traditions of Eoman Ulpiana. 

The regions that lie to the "West of Lipljan, and which the Roman road from 
Ulpiana had to traverse on its way to the Adriatic port of Lissus, are amongst 
the wildest and most inaccessible of the Balkan Peninsula, and are peopled for the 
most part by savage and fanatical Albanian mountaineers, amongst whom the work 
of exploration is often one of considerable risk. Hitherto the course of the Eoman 
"Way from Lipljan to Alessio, and the site of the Eoman settlements in the inter- 
vening region, have not far advanced beyond the stage of pure conjecture. The 
accepted view, however, is that the road followed much the same route as that at 
present followed to Prisren, and thence proceeded along the existing track to 
the neighbourhood of Spas below Mount Krabi, identified with the Grevenum of 
the Tabula, and thence to Puka, identified with Picaria* Nothing, however, so 
far as I am aware, beyond a certain a priori probability and a questionable simi- 
larity of names, has been brought forward in favour of this hypothesis. No 
portion of the Eoman road itself has been described. 

On the other hand, I have now obtained a certain amount of positive evidence 
which tends to show that the original Eoman road-line across the North Albanian 
Alps ran considerably to the North of the route hitherto connected with it. My 
friend the Padre Superiore of the Franciscans at Scutari has informed me of a 
fine piece of Eoman road running broad and straight, though now grass-grown, 

* Cf. Jiredek, Die Heertrasse vvn Belgrad nach Const antinopel, p. 23. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


along stretches of the mountain from Dusmani on the northern bank of the Drin, 
a few hours to the north of Puka, thence to Toplana in the Shalla Valley, and so 
on to Brizza in the district of Merturi, and the neighbourhood of Nikai, from 
which it can be traced into the district of Krasnichi." It is known to the 
Albanians as Drumi Kaurit, or " Giaour's Way." b There can be little doubt that 
this fine stretch of Roman road represents a section of the line from Lissus to 
Ulpiana, and the fact that it traverses the Krasnichi country prepares us to find it 
emerging in the neighbourhood rather of Djakova than of Prisren. 

The broad open country in which Prisren, Djakova, and Ipek lie, and which is 
known by the general name of Metochia, has in all mediaeval times played an 
important part in the history of the Peninsula. Prisren 
itself was the Czarigrad or Imperial City of Czar 
Dusan. At Decani, not far from Djakova, rose the 
royal Serbian church of Stephen Uros III., the noblest 
ecclesiastical foundation of the interior of the Peninsula, 
while at the north-eastern extremity of the plain Ipek 
or Pec became the seat of the Serbian Patriarchs. The 
physical conditions which favoured this mediaeval civic 
and ecclesiastical development must have been equally 
operative in Roman times, and we must therefore be 
prepared to find that considerable Roman municipia 
existed in Metochia. The abundance of ancient coins 
discovered throughout this district is at least note- 
worthy ; they include Paeonian and Macedonian pieces, 
coins of the Illyrian mining-cities Damastion and 
Pelagia, Celtic imitations of the coins of Philip of 
Macedon, coins of Thasos, and quantities of the silver 
pieces from Dyrrhachion and Apollonia, all tending to 
prove that already in prae -Roman times Metochia was 
traversed by trade-routes connecting it with the 
Adriatic and ^Egean and intervening countries. 
of Roman date are equally abundant. 

At Prisren itself the only Roman monuments that I was able to discover after 
a long investigation were on the extreme outskirts of the town on the Djakova 

a In Krasnichi is a ruin known as Giutet (Rouman, Civtat, Civetate = Latin, Civitas), but the 
Latin word is used in North Albania to signify any ruined castle. 
b Drumi = SI. Drum = Byz. fyfyot. 










Fig. 36. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

D M 



side, and consisted of two sepulchral blocks outside the little mosque in the Jeni 
Mahala. One of these was hopelessly obliterated, the other I was able to copy 
(fig. 36). The Roman traces in the Djakova district are more frequent, but the 
difficulties in the way of exploration, owing to the fanatical temper of the popu- 
lation, are at present almost insuperable. M. Jastrebov," the Russian consul at 
Prisren, who has occupied himself with the Slavonic antiquities of the district, 

and to whose assistance I was much indebted, had already 
discovered two Eoman inscriptions in the village of 
Orahovac, interesting as supplying Illyrian name-forms, 
and one of them affording a suggestive indication that 
the predatory habits of the indigenes are of no modern 
growth. M. Jastrebov further informed me that a Roman 
inscription existed at Skifiani, between Djakovo and 
Decani, 6 but the circumstances of the times did not admit 
of it being copied. About an hour's distance from 
Orahovac is the fine old Turkish bridge of Svajan across 
the White Drin, immediately below a hill known as G-radis 
or Grradic, from the bastion-like rocks with which it is 
* r k ^e P resen t bridge, traditionally known as King 
Milutin's work, may be the successor of an earlier fabric. 
The blue waters of the Drin emerge at this point from a 
narrow rocky defile cut by them through an island-like 
range of low limestone hills, and the point is one which 
an engineer would naturally seize on for the construction 
of a bridge. I was at least successful in connecting it 
with Roman remains. In the neighbouring village of 
Dzerzan I observed, and was able to copy, an interesting 
Roman sepulchral slab with an inscription of a naive and 
informal character referring to a soldier of the Fourth Legion (fig. 37), which 
the inhabitants informed me had been taken out of the Drin by the bridge of 

11 Podatci za istoriju Srpske Crkve (Contributions to the History of the Serbian Church), 
Belgrade, 1879, p. 65. M. Jastrebov informed me that he believed Roman remains to exist at 
Suharjeka, on the present route from Prisren to Lipljan. He had not, however, discovered any 
traces of a Roman line of way taking this route. 

b At Decani itself I could find no Roman monuments. 

c Absurdly described as " Roman " by Isambert. 




Fig. 37. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


The peculiar interest of the stone is that it is to my knowledge the only 
monument from this region referring to the Fourth Legion ; while, on the other 
hand, monuments referring to the Legio VII. Claudia abound (as will be seen ") in 
the neighbouring Dardanian basins of the Lepenac and Vardar. The headquarters 
of the Fourth Legion were at Singidunum (Belgrade), and the occurrence of a 
detachment in the plain of Metochia suggests some old line of road communication 
across "Western Serbia. b 

At Pec (Ipek) itself I heard of a Roman sepulchral monument with an inscrip- 
tion, which had been recently found on the hill of Jarina, or Jerina, the old " Grad " 
or castle named after Ir6n6 Brankovic, that rises above the town, but I was not 
able to copy it. About three hours to the North of this are the ruins of the Old 
Serbian church and monastery of Studenica ; and here, a few years since, the 
Serbian traveller, Milojevid, found several a Roman inscriptions. Milosevic", who 
appears to have had his head full of " Czaritza Militza" and " Krai Vlkasin," 
has supplied, it is true, a very distorted version of two of the three inscriptions 
that he copied. I append them here, however, as his discovery seems to have 
been entirely overlooked by antiquaries. 6 The ruined monastery, where these 
remains exist, was formerly the seat of the Old Serbian bishopric of Chvostno. 

At the village of Crnaluga, a little to the South of this, at the point where the 
road from Ipek to Mitrovica crosses the "White Drin, about an hour from its source, 
is an old Turkish cemetery overlying some more ancient remains. The earth 
here had recently fallen in near one of the graves, and revealed an underground 
vault communicating with another ; and the Arnaouts, who naturally came here to 
look for treasure, broke into another not far from the first discovered. Descending 
into the first by a hole in the vaulting, I found myself in a low, barrel-vaulted, 
rectangular chamber, constructed of small roughly-hewn blocks, and with an 
aperture opening into another apparently similar chamber. In the first of these, 
which was half filled with rubble, I found a large piece of a Roman cornice, the 

* See succeeding paper. 

b The discovery of an inscription on the Kossovo Polje referring to this same legion (see p. 58 
note a ), now adds additional probability to this conclusion. 
c Putopis Stare Srbije (Travels in Old Serbia), p. 166. 
d Milosevic only copied the three that appeared to him most perfect. 


MEE . . . vivos / F . c. For the formula with which No. 3 begins compare that on the inscription 
from the Kossovo Polje (p. 58), VLP IONICE HAVE BENE VALEAS QVI ME SALVTAS. 

70 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

underside of which had been hollowed out apparently to form a mediaeval 
sarcophagus. The other vault into which I descended was of a more original 
kind, oval in shape, and with a flattish vaulting of rough unhewn stones. It was, 
however, almost choked with earth and rubble. "Whatever the date of these sub- 
terranean chambers the purpose of which was probably sepulchral the Koman 
cornice affords certain proof of the vicinity of a Roman settlement ; a fact which 
is further explained by the existence of the copious hot springs of Illidzi, about 
half-an-hour above this spot. At Banja again, a' few hours distant amcng the 
hills to the North-Bast of this, is another thermal source," used as a bath, and 
believed to have great healing powers, where I observed broad steps, apparently 
of ancient date, cut in the rock. 

The traces of the former existence of a Eoman civic settlement in the neigh- 
bourhood of Studenica and Crnaluga derive additional interest from the existence 
of ancient silver mines in the neighbouring range of the Mokra Grora. The village 
where these mines formerly existed is known as Suhogrlo, or Srmogrbovo ; and 
lies at the opening of a pass called Klissura, which leads into the upper valley of 
the Ibar. Two neighbouring villages, Maidan and Rudnik, derive their names 
respectively from the Turkish and Serbian word for mines, and traces of the 
ancient workings can still be seen on the flanks of the mountain. Ipek, itself, is 
still celebrated throughout the Peninsula for its silver filigree work, and I saw a 
silver cross of elaborately Byzantine workmanship, that had been recently made 
here for the Prince of Montenegro. Once more we find the Roman remains of 
this part of Illyricum connecting themselves with its mineral treasures. 

I was further informed by the Franciscan priest at Ipek, that at Grlina, a 
village about five hours distant to the South-East, were stones with obliterated 
inscriptions, that appeared to him to be Roman. The traces of the former exist- 
ence of a Romance-speaking population are nowhere more apparent than in the 
southern part of this Metochia district, where, as the famous Prisren chrysobull 
of Czar Dusan b shows, a Rouman population still existed in the Middle Ages. Of 
this population there are still isolated relics and it is remarkable that, at Ipek, a 
tradition prevails among the inhabitants that they were formerly "Vlachs." 
Several of the village names, like Sermiani, Skifiani, Nepote, Piran, Larena, 
seemed to me to deserve investigation. In the neighbouring ranges of Dukagine, 

The temperature is only 76 Fahr. 

b See Hajden, Eesturile unei carti de donatiune depe la annul 1348, emanata de la Imperatul Serbesc 
Duian, Ac. (in Archiva istorica a Romaniei, Bucuresci, 1867). 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwn. 


amongst, at present, Albanian-speaking clans, there is some eqiially remarkable 
evidence of the former existence of Romance-speaking tribes, and, although, taken as 
a whole, the Latin elements in Albania seem to represent rather a Romance dialect 
once spoken in the maritime district included in the Byzantine Theme of Durazzo, 
more East Rouman influences, due to contact with the Vlachs of Dardania, cannot 
be excluded. The word giutet, the Macedo-Rouman civtat, or civitate, is frequently 
used in North Albania in its derivative sense of a castle rather than a city ; and I 
found the most inaccessible glen to which I penetrated in these Alps known by 
the purely Romance name of Valbona.* At Ipek itself, I heard the word copiK 
(which is simply the Rouman copillii b = children) applied by my Albanian guards 
as a term of reproach for the street Arabs. The deep impress left by these 
Romance-speaking provincials on the Eastern Albanian tribes of the Shar ranges 
goes far to show that the bordering Dardanian regions formed part of the original 
Provincia Latinormn, the " Mavrovlachia " of which the earliest Dalmatian chronicler 
speaks. Here, we may venture to believe, a portion of the migratory Rouman 
race existed more nearly in situ, if the expression is allowable, than in most of 
the regions to which it has successively spread. The Patriarchate of Ipek was 
known to the Serbs as " Stara Vlaska," and thus fits on to that " Old Wallachia " 
of which I have already spoken. a "We are here within the area of continuoiis 
Roman and Rouman habitation, to be distinguished from that far wider region in 
which the appearance of this East Latin element may, as in Istria, for example, 
and G-alicia, be fairly ascribed to later immigration. 6 

I have given some account of Valbona and the Rouman traces to be found in that part of the 
North Albanian Alps in a letter to the Pall Mall Gazette, " From the North Albanian Alps " (Sept. 
14, 1880). In the map appended to this communication the upper Valley of the Valbona is for the 
first time given with approximate accuracy. In the last edition of the Austrian Stabskarte its place 
is occupied by a huge mountain mass. 

b Copillu is said to be derived from the Latin pupillus, on the analogy of poturnichia from 

Presbyter Diocleas., Begnum Slavorum (Lucius, p. 288.) 
" See p. 24. 

e These local traces of Albanian and Rouman juxta-position, and the deductions at which I had 
quite independently arrived on linguistic grounds, entirely agree with the general results arrived at 
by Cihac in his analysis of the Rouman language. (Dictionnaire d'etymologie Daco-romane, pref. 
p. xiii.) : " Le point capital et le plus important qui nous pel-met de juger des relations entre Roumains 
et Albanais dans le passe, relations qni doivent avoir ete des plus intimes, sont les elements concer- 
nant la langue que 1'albanais possede de commun avec le roumain. Dans mes elements latins de la 
langue roumaine et dans 1'ottvrage present, j'ai indique environ 500 mots latins, 1,000 mots slaves, 
300 mots turcs, 280 mots grecs-moderne et 20 a 25 mots magyars pour 1'albanais qui sont identiques 

72 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

From the evidence at our disposal we are justified in concluding that at least 
two Roman Municipia existed in the spacious plain of Metochia ; one in the neigh- 
bourhood of Ipek, and the other of Djakova. It is probable that this latter settle- 
ment answered to the Theranda of the Tabula, the last station on the road from 
Lissus to Ulpiana, although in default of further local evidence the course of the 
road across the range which separates the plain of Metochia from the Kossovo Polje 
can only be approximately fixed. The further course of this line of Way from 
Ulpiana to Naissus must be left to a future investigation. I may, however, here 
call attention to the fact that a line drawn from Lipljan to Nish passes through 
the very important ruins of a Roman Castrum and Praetorium existing at Zlato, 
and which, probably, answers to the station called Acmeon in Ravennas and 
Hammeo in the Tabula of Peutinger. a We are at present, however, more especially 
concerned with the great southern line of communication connecting Ulpiana, and, 
in a more remote degree, the Dalmatian and Pannonian cities, with Scupi, and 
eventually Thessalonica, a line not mentioned, at least in its later stages, by 
the ancient Itineraries, but of the existence of which I have already, I trust, 
adduced sufficient evidence. 

From Ulpiana this Macedonian highway runs through the pass of Kacanik, 
which forms the natural avenue of communication between the Kossovo Polje and 
the more southern Dardanian plain, on which stood the metropolitan city of Scupi, 
the present Skopia. 

At Old Kacanik, which lies at the northern opening of the pass, there is 
abundant evidence of the former existence of a Roman settlement. Many ancient 
fragments are here visible ; one of these (fig. 38) is the square base and pedestal 
of a votive column, of the purest white marble, dedicated to Jupiter Optimus 
Maximus, for the health of the Emperors Septimius Severus and Caracalla, and 
of the Empress Julia Domna, who here receives her favourite title, Mater 
Castrorum. It was found at a spot in the district of Runjevo, about two 

avec les vocables correspondants roumains. Cette circonstance, assurement tre's-remarquable, ne peut 
etre nullement fortuite, surtout en ce qui concerne les elements latins qui ont subi dans les deux langues 
un changement d'acception presque analogue." It is precisely this last circumstance that excludes 
Hajdeu's hypothesis that the community between the two languages is to be referred to an original 
relationship between the Illyrian and old Dacian languages. 
" See p. 160. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


kilometers above KaCanik.* The Consulship of Pompeianus and Avitus, in which 
this column was erected, took place in the year 209 A.D. 






WS'S-l- /^ 

' T ^ _ _ _ .,-- * - -*- - -i-* 

1 L co>? 

low Optimo Maximo PRO SALVTE IMP. L. sEpnmn SEVEEI 


MATRI CASTRORttm TH . . . ION EORVNDem 'Veteranus ~Votum Susceptwm 
Solvit iiibens . (P)OMPEIANO ET AV(ITO) consulibus. 

1 This monument has been described by Henzen in Eph. Ep. ii. p. 330, " ad ectypon quod misit 
Morten Noe." My copy, however, which I made and very carefully collated on the spot, differs in 
line 9 and in other details. This monument, as well as the milestone (fig. 40), has been lately 
removed to the garden of the railway engineer at Kacanik ; this place lying on the new line from 
Salonica to Mitrovica. 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

Another monument (fig. 39), a small altar, 21 inches high by 12 broad, proved 
to be of the highest interest, as containing a dedication to a hitherto unknown, 
probably Illyrian, God. The inscription informs us that it was consecrated by a 
Beneficiarius Consularis of the Vllth Claudian Legion to the Grod " Andinus." It 
is to be observed that what is apparently the same word, under slightly variant 
forms, is to be found in the feminine names Andena, Anduenna, and the compound 
Andunocnes, amongst the Illyrian personal names (belonging mostly to the mining 
race of the Pirustse) found on the Dacian monuments and wax tablets. The 
similarity between these name-forms and the Deus Andinus of the present 
monument gives us ground for assuming that we have here the name of an 
lilyrian divinity which also entered into the composition of some native proper 
names. It is probable that the Legionary who raised the altar (to whatever 
nationality he himself may have belonged) was desirous of conciliating the 
indigenous Dardanian god of the place where he was stationed, just as in Britain 
we find Eoman soldiers raising monuments to local gods like Belatucader or 



j CLE M.<?E:T?;i/5cv? 


l"ig. 39. 

DEO ANDINO sacrum. TiBerms CLaudius CBETVS 
Benemciarius consularis LEGioms vn CLaudice, votum 
solvit Libens Merito. CLVMente ET PEISCO 

11 Clemens and Priscus do not appear together in the Fasti Consulares. In 195 A.D. we find 
Tertullus and Clemens Consuls; in 196 Dexter and Priscus; it is probable, therefore, that the 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


Considering that Dardania, the region with which we are at present concerned, 
was included during the first centuries of the Empire within the limits of Mossia 
Superior, and that the chief Moesian City, Viminacium (the modern Kostolac on 
the Danube) was the headquarters of the Legio VII. Claudia, it is natural enough 

Fig. 40. 

mperatori C^ES.M-AEMILIO \ AEMILIANO pio Tfelici wncro \ Avousto PONTIPIC/ 
MAXIMO TRiBVN^cia poiestate pater patriae consul pnoconsul AB viuinacio M.P.OO . . 

inscription belongs to one or the other of these years. Since this paper was communicated to the 
Society of Antiquaries a copy of this and the milestone on p. 74 has appeared in the Archaologisch- 
Epigraphische Mitfheilungen aus Oesterreich, 1883, part i. p. 145, on the strength of somewhat imperfect 
paper-casts sent by Signer Paolo Orsi of Bovereto. The name is there wrongly given ANDENVS and cos 
is added after FRISCO, which I did not see on the stone. With regard to the date Dr. Otto Hirschfeld 
remarks : " Vielleicht von J. 73 ? Der Name des Collegen im ersten Consulat des M. Arrecinus 
Clemens ist nicht bekannt." But from the character of the letters the inscription cannot be of 
earlier date than the end of the second century of our eera. Sig. Orsi's copy of the milestone of 
^Emilian is still more imperfect, the important part being omitted. 


76 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

that we should find a reference to this Legion among the Kacanik monuments. I 
am able to describe another monument, a milestone lately discovered in the bed of 
the Lepenac about two miles above Kacanik, which supplies another and important 
link of connexion with the great Danubian city. The milestone itself is about 
three feet high, and is remarkable as presenting the name of the Emperor 
vEmilian, whose reign extended over less than four months, and of whom very 
few monuments have been hitherto discovered. ^Emilian, we are informed, 
was chosen Emperor in Mcesia," and the present inscription affords interesting 
evidence that, short as was his dominion, he was able to confer some lasting 
engineering benefit on his Moesian province. 

There can be no reasonable doubt that the vi . . of the last line of the inscription 
is to be completed VI(M). for VIMINACIO." Viminacium, itself, being the meeting- 
point of the great roads leading in one direction to Singidunum, Sirmium and 
Italy, in the other to Naissus and Constantinople, and in others again to the cities 
of Trajan's Dacia, and of the lower Danube, would be the natural terminus a quo 
of any Moesian road-line. From Scupi itself there was probably, as I shall show, 4 
a shorter route to Naissus and Viminacium by the valley of the Bulgarian Morava, 
which answers to that described in the Tabula ; but from a Municipium at or near 
Kacanik the natural route would be via Ulpiana. The present milestone may 
therefore be taken as lying on a road which in one sense was a line of communi- 
cation between Scupi, Ulpiana, and the Dalmatian borders, but which also served 
as an alternative route to the Danubian place of arms, and on which the mileage 
was naturally reckoned from Viminacium. The distance given, as far as can at 
present be decyphered two hundred and odd Roman miles tallies very well with 
the actual distance to Viminacium. From Kacanik, where this milliarium was 
found, to Lipljan, the site of Ulpiana, is about twenty-two Roman miles. From 

11 Aur. Victor, Epitome, c. xxxi ; Eutropius, ix. 5 ; Zozimus, lib. i. speaks of ./Emilian as Htw 

Ta%i<vv = Dux Pannonicorum ordinum, and mentions a great victory gained by him over the 
barbarians who were then overrunning Illyricum. 

b Forms like ABVERTO show the possibility of AB before v which was pronounced as w. AB 
VLCt'm'o is a possible but not probable alternative. 

c Some account of the antiquities of Viminacium has been given by Kanitz, Beitrage zur Alter. 
thumskunde der Serbischen Donau, in Mitth. d. k. Jc. Central Commission, 1867, p. 28 seqq.) It was 
Trajan's chief base of operations in his Dacian campaigns, and was one of the principal stations of the 
Danubian fleet, as well as the headquarters of the Seventh Legion. The Leg. VII. Claudia is referred 
to on its autonomous coins and monuments, and tiles are found here with its stamp. 

d See p. 153 seqq. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


Ulpiana onwards the Tabula Peutingeriana supplies us with the total distance by 
road to Naissus of seventy-nine miles ; and the same authority gives one hundred 
and thirteen miles as the distance from Naissus by road to Viminacium." This 
gives us altogether two hundred and fourteen miles. 

It is probable that the road to which this milestone belonged crossed the 
Lepenac near the spot where it was found. Between Kacanik and Bles Han the 
Roman "Way itself is very clearly perceptible, coasting the mountain side above the 
right bank of the stream. In places a regular terrace is cut out of the rocky 
steep at a mean elevation of about one hundred and fifty feet above the Lepenac. 
At times the road descends at a considerable gradient, though still straight and 
even as a hand-rule, and in parts showing its original pavement. Near Eles Han 
it appears to have crossed the river by a bridge now destroyed ; and here, on the 
left bank of the stream, and near the modern road which henceforth follows the 
Roman track through the pass, is still to be seen a remarkable milliary column. 
The copy which I append is the result of repeated visits to the stone, which, it 



Fig. 41. 
In the Itinerary of Antonine, 118, M.P. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwn. 

will be seen, bears inscriptions of two periods, one in honour of Marcus Aurelius, 
and the other, apparently, of Constantine." 

A few miles beyond Eles Han the pass opens into the broad plain of the Upper 
Vardar, across which the Eoman Way pursued its course to the site of Scupi, the 
old Dardanian Metropolis, while the modern road, leaving the old line to the 
right, leads past the arches of an ancient aqueduct to the modern city of Skopia, 
or tTskup. 

n A copy of this inscription has been given by Henzen in the Ephemeris Epigraphica, from a 
paper-cast that had been sent him by an engineer. 








82. Strategic and commercial importance of the site of Scupi. 

82. Dr. Edward Brown's account of Skopia and its antiquities in 17th century. 

83. Scantiness of previously-existing materials. 

83. Professor Tomaschek's attempt to dissociate Skopia and Scupi and to place the latter in 

Morava Valley. 

84. Absence of remains of classical antiquities in situ Skopia. 

84. Wealth of archaeological remains in environs, mediaeval as well as Roman. 

86. Discovery of the site of Scupi at Zlokucani. 

87. Remains at Bardovce. 

88. Iron mines and quarries near the site of Scupi. 

88. Mineral springs and remains of baths and buildings. 

88. Bas-relief of Hercules. 

89. Traces of the great earthquake that destroyed the Roman city. 

90. Roman remains in the Karadagh of Skopia. 

90. Roman cemetery and inscriptions at Kuceviste. 

91. Cave and altar in Monastery of St. Ilija. 

92. Ruined town and castle of Davina and Markova Kula. 

92. Ruined church at Ljubanze largely composed of Roman fragments. 

92. Remarkable old Serbian church at Ljubiten with frescoes of Serbian Emperor and Empress. 

93. Remains on Mount Karsjak ; Markova Magazija ; old road to Ochrida and Prisren ; remains 

at Timpanica and Sofce. 



95. Byzantine Church of Naresi, Roman monument, and Comnenian inscription. 

97. Roman and Old Serbian remains in Treska Valley. 

98. Remains in district of Markova Rjeka : old gold mine ; Roman inscriptions, and Monastery 

of Marko Kraljevi6. 

99. Illyrian name on inscription. 

100. Altar dedicated to Fortuna by local Respublica. 

101. Roman monuments in Skopia itself. 

102. Roman milestones in Skopia. 

102. Monuments and remains at Hassanbeg and Belombeg. 

103. Roman road, milestone, and ruined site of Rusalinsko. 

103. Surviving traces of Rosalia, or spring feast of departed, amongst the Slavonic races. 

104. Altar of Jupiter at Ibrahimovce. 

104. Libations still poured upon it by villagers in time of drought. 

105. Notes on cult of Jupiter Pluvius and comparison with Slavonic and Romaic customs. 
105. Survival of Illyro-Roman element in Dardania. 

105. Excavation of large mound called Tumba. 

109. Site of Roman settlement at Seliste and altar of Hercules Conservator at Hadzalar. 

110. Hot baths of Banja; Roman thermal station. 

111. Description of Roman inscriptions discovered at and near the site of SCVPI. 
111. Inscriptions relating to municipal constitution. 

111. Name of Scupi on inscriptions and title of Colonia. 

113. Tombs of original colonists, " deducti " and '* deduction." 

114. Monument of youth honoured with JMileship and Decurionate. 

115. Base of statue erected in honour of the Emperor Gallienus by the Commonwealth of Scupi. 

116. Historical occasion of adulatory address. 

116. Defeat of Sarmatians under walls of Scupi by Regalian. 

119. Inscriptions recording Augustales. 

120. Altars to Jupiter and unknown god : mention of Flamens. 
120. Altar of Silvanus. 

120. Monuments to soldiers of 7th, Claudian, Legion. 

122. Miles Frumentarius. 

123. Testamentary disposition of Cornicularius. 

124. Legio VII. Claudia Pia Fidelis. 

125. Inscription with Thracian name of Eupor. 

126. Thracian and other inscriptions at present at Thessalonica. 

127. Intermixture of Thracian and Illyrian elements in Dardania. 

128. Elegiac epitaph on local ISestor and tomb of citizen of Methymne. 
129 131. Sepulchral inscriptions from Scupi. 

132. Christian inscription. 

133. Civil and ecclesiastical importance of Scupi under the Christian Emperors. 

133. Special connexion between Dardanian and Illyrian Church and Roman Catholicism. 



134. Destruction of old city of Scupi by earthquake, A.D. 518 ; rebuilt on site of Skopia. 
134. Was Scupi Justiniana Prima ? Difficulties suggested. 

136. Passage in John of Antioch. 

137. Reasons for identifying Skopia with Justinian's city. 

138. Bishops of Dacia Mediterranea under Metropolitan of Scupi before Justinian's time. 

140. Continued importance of Scupi or Skopia in Byzantine and Slavonic times. 

141. Suggested comparison between Tauresium and Bederiana and names of villages of Taor and 


142. Description of Bader ; Roman remains at Blace. 

143. Cyrillian inscription in Monastery of St. John, mentioning Bulgarian bishop of Justiniana 

Prima and Ochrida. 

144. Exploration of Taor. Roman remains, and altar with apparently Greek inscription. 

145. Foundations of late- Roman or Byzantine Castellum. 

146. Local tradition that Constantino was born there. 

146. Byzantine inscription on walls of Akropolis at Skopia. 

147. Turkish and Byzantine antiquities of Skopia: the Kursumli Han. 

148. Hamam of " the two sisters." 

148. Influence of Byzantium on buildings of Skopia. 

149. Coins of Justinian's time found here. 

149. The Aqueduct. 

150. Probably restored by the Turks. 

151. Arches of earlier aqueduct existing in Old Bezestan. 



153. Difficulties suggested by Tabula and Itineraries. 

154. Votive altar to Jupiter Dolichenus at Kumanovo. 

154. Byzantine Church of Matejci. 

155. Genealogical tree of Comneni. 

156. Roman remains at Prsovo. 

157. Roman site at Zlato. 

159. Brick dam of Roman reservoir. 

160. Castrum identified with HAMMEO or ACBIEON. 

161. Site of the ancient NAISSVS. 

161. Inscriptions at Nish. 

162. Votive Monument erected to Carinus by Province of Upper Moesia. 

1 63. REMESIANA and St. Nicetas. 

164. Dedication slab of Roman Church of St. Peter and St. Paul. 
166. Corona, lamps and crosses from Roman church at Pirot. 


82 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


On emerging from the pass of Kacanik to the South the traveller finds himself 
in the spacious plain of Skopia, the Turkish Uskiip, and the modern and mediaeval 
successor of Scupi, the Dardanian metropolis. Whether regarded from the point 
of view of strategy or commerce the position is splendid, and the town forms the 
natural key to a large part of "Western Illyricum. To the North the Lepenac 
cleaves a passage between the Easternmost promontories of the Shar and the 
Karadagh of Skopia a passage threaded as we have seen by a Koman road 
which brought the Dardanian capital into connexion with the Dalmatian ports on 
one side, and on the other with Singidunum and the great Pannonian cities. To 
the West the Vardar and its tributaries open a way through what is now the plain 
of Tetovo, to little-explored Illyrian regions, once probably the scene of extensive 
mining industry. To the East the forest-covered ranges of the Karadagh dip 
down to form an easy avenue of communication, through what was once erroneously 
supposed to be the central chain of the Balkans, with the Upper Valley of the 
Bulgarian Morava, and thence via Nish, the ancient Naissus, with the great staple 
and stronghold of the Middle Danube in Roman times, Viminacium. To the South 
the Iron Gates of the Vardar, the Axios of classic times, bring the Dardanian city 
into connexion with the Peeonian emporium of Stobi, the Macedonian plains, and 
ultimately, Thessalonica. Thus, it will be seen, that the site of Scupi lies at the 
crossing-point of great natural routes across the Western part of the Illyrian 
Peninsula. To those approaching the ^Egean port from the Middle Danube it 
occupied a position almost precisely analogous to that held by Serdica on the 
military road to Constantinople. In making, as I hope to show, the Dardanian 
Metropolis the seat of government for his new-constituted Illyrian praafecture, 
Justinian displayed a true appreciation of the important function which the land 
of his birth and the city of his affection were destined by nature to play in the 
economy of the Western half of the Peninsula. Eight centuries later we find the 
Serbian Krai Dusan, placing on his brow the imperial crown of all the Illyrian 
lands, within the walls of Skopia. 

The first account of the antiquities of Skopia was due to the English traveller, 
Dr. Edward Brown, son of Sir Thomas, who published a relation of his travels in 





opAVINA *" 

3 is 






Arthur J, Evans. 

Scale* erf 

Jtemari Ponds, 

jerttirals course nf 'Hcman, Roads , 



Rftiuirkuble' MedzevaX- rtmajjis, ) 
l)yzarUin& tmd Slavcnie , 
Raman Baths, ......... --------- 

Vol. XIJX. 




* n 1' 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 83 

the Balkan lands in 1673," and who gives as a reason for describing this place 
somewhat at length that earlier geographers had "passed it over in few words." 
" And I could never," he adds, " meet with any who had been at it." Brown 
identified Skopia with the Scupi of Ptolemy, and after recounting the beauties of 
the existing town proceeds to describe some of its antiquities. He mentions an 
arch " which seemeth to be ancient, and a rivulet running under it "; also, " a 
large stone which seemeth to be part of a pillar with the inscription SHIANC." 
"A little way out of the city," he continues, "there is a noble aqueduct of stone 
with about 200 arches, made from one hill to another over the lower ground or 
valley." The arch is gone, and the aqueduct hardly answers to Brown's dimen- 
sions, but the inscribed pillar, a part of a Roman milestone, to which I shall have 
occasion to refer, b is still a conspicuous object in the streets of Skopia. 

From Dr. Edward Brown's time to a quite recent date, the antiquities of 
Skopia received no further illustration. Ami Boue, who visited this place, 
described a fragment of an inscription, referring to the Emperor Severus, walled 
into the aqueduct. One or two inscriptions from the neighbourhood of Skopia 
have since been communicated to the Revue Archeologique, by M. Engelhardt, 
French Consul-General at Belgrade, on the authority of a Serbian Professor of the 
Belgrade Lyceum; only one of these however has any claim to be regarded as an 
accurate reproduction of the text. 3 Add to this, one inscription communicated by 
the Austrian Consul, Herr Lippich, 6 and two from a village near the confluence of 
the Pcinja and Vardar, with two fragments of milestones, and I believe I shall 
have exhausted the catalogue of the known epigraphic materials from Skopia and 
the whole region round it. 

Of the scantiness indeed of the hitherto known materials no better proof could 
be given than the fact that Professor Tomaschek, of Gratz, has recently written a 
learned dissertation to prove that the site of the ancient Scupi was neither at 
Skopia nor in its vicinity, but that it ought rather to be sought somewhere in the 

a A brief Account of Some Travels in Hungaria, Servia, Bulgaria, Macedonia, fyc. by Edward 
Brown, M.D. of the College of London, Fellow of the Royal Society, and Physician in Ordinary to 
his Majesty. London 1673. 

b See p. 102. The SHIANC of Dr. Edward Brown is evidently derived from the TBAIANO of 
the stone. 

c Turquie d'Europe, T. 2, p. 354. 

d Ephemeris Epigraphica, vol. ii. 498. 

c Dr. Kenner Inschriften aus der Vardarschlucht, Sitzungsberichte der k. Akademie der Wissen- 
schapten, 1875, p. 276. 


84 Antiquarian Researches in Illyrwum. 

valley of the Bulgarian Morava." The materials that I have at present collected 
will supply, I trust, the final solution of this problem in ancient geography, and 
will sufficiently establish the historic connexion between Skopia and the ancient 
Scupi. But it does not therefore follow that the sites of the present city and of 
its original Eoman predecessor are absolutely identical. The fine position of the 
akropolis hill of Skopia, the noble stone bridge across the Vardar, the ancient walls 
and buildings, the general air of antiquity that pervades the place, had all indeed 
combined to induce earlier and later travellers to identify the actual site of Scupi with 
the Turkish Uskiip, and I must confess that I was at first inclined to do the same. 
It was not till after a prolonged exploration of the town and neighbourhood that I 
gradually acquired the proofs that the site of the original Eoman Colony must be 
sought outside the limits of the modern city. There are, in fact, in Skopia itself 
no remains of classical antiquity that can fairly be regarded as in situ. The oldest 
of the buildings are at most Byzantine. The vast majority of the existing archi- 
tectural monuments are Turkish, and the bridge itself, which has been described 
as Roman, dates no farther back than the great days of Turkish dominion, when, 
with the aid of Italian and Dalmatian architects, Ottoman Beglerbegs and Pashas 
were raising such engineering monuments in the Peninsula as had not been seen 
there since the days of Trajan and Diocletian. 

Thanks to the friendly protection of the Mutessarif of Uskiip, Feik Pasha, I 
was able to devote two months in the course of last year to the systematic 
exploration of the plain of Uskiip, and the surrounding mountain ranges. The 
archa3ological results of this exploration have been not inconsiderable and relate 
to more than one epoch. The number of ancient churches and monasteries dating 
from early Serb, Bulgarian, and Byzantine times still preserved in the glens of the 
Karadagh and the southern offshoots of the Shar Planina is truly surprising, and 
hardly less so the fact that these interesting monuments should so long have been 
overlooked by European travellers. In mediaeval frescoes representing Serbian 
and Byzantine princes the churches are peculiarly rich. At Liubiten is a ruined 
church containing full-length representations of the Emperor Stefan Dusan, his 
Empress, and his young son Uros in their robes of state. At Markov Manastir, 
or Marko's Monastery, King Vukasin and his son, the hero of South Slavonic Epic, 
are both represented, and the epitaph of "King's Son Marko," may still be 

a Zur Kunde der Hamus Halbinsel. (Sitzungsberichte der K. Akademie der Wissenschafteii, 
Wien 1881. H. 2, p. 437-499.) Prof. Tomaschek proposed to seek the site of Scupi near Leskovac 
in Serbia. Skopia he places in Pseonia. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 85 

decyphered. In the ruinous Minster Church of Matejci I came upon a genealogical 
tree containing full-length fresco portraits of the imperial race of the Comneni, the 
counterpart of the Nemanid tree in the royal Serbian foundation of Decani. At 
Naresi in the Karsjak range above Skopia, is another fine Byzantine Church con- 
taining a Comnenian inscription to which I shall return. 

It is, however, with the Roman remains of earlier date that we are at present 
more immediately concerned. Of these remains the whole region that surrounds 
the site of the ancient Scupi turned out to be equally prolific, and I found that in 
not a few cases the mediasval Serb and Byzantine builders had profited by the 
relics of Roman civilization with which the neighbourhood of their later foundations 
abounded. In investigating the Roman monuments and inscriptions in this district 
I had often indeed to contend with the jealous and secretive spirit of the peasants, 
who, having been for centuries exploited by an alien and despotic government, are 
apt to regard inquiries concerning their ancient monuments as a prelude to further 
exactions or forced labour. There is, besides, a widespread belief that all ancient 
inscriptions are in some way connected with the concealment of treasure, and the 
peasants are naturally anxious to reserve for themselves whatever " unearned 
increment" is to be derived from such sources. In the wilder Albanian regions 
North of the Shar range the prevalence of such ideas is a source of real danger to 
the too inquisitive traveller. In the Skopia district, however, where the popula- 
tion is mainly Slavonic, the chief obstacle with which I had to contend was the 
reticence observed by the peasants regarding their ancient monuments. Thus, on 
more than one occasion I had to undertake rides of eight or nine hours' duration 
two or three times over, in order to visit villages where I knew that ancient 
inscriptions existed, before I was successful in discovering what I sought. That 
in the end I was able to collect so many was largely owing to the good humoured 
tact and inexhaustible local knowledge of my Zaptieh, Osman Ombashi, an 
Albanian by birth, who soon acquired a truly antiquarian zest in tracking out 
Roman monuments. 

The spacious plain of Skopia and the Alpine slopes that overlook it on every 
side go to form a well-defined geographical district, which as the monuments to be 
described sufficiently declare, formed once the Ager of the Roman city. The 
remains from this whole district may therefore be fitly grouped with those existing 
on the actual site of the ancient Scupi, and those within its modern representative 
the present town of Skopia or TJskiip. On the other hand, the Roman remains 
that I have discovered beyond the water-shed of Mount Karsjak, to the West of 
Skopia, and in the valley of the Markova Rjeka, may be better perhaps regarded 

86 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

separately as being possibly, though, hardly probably, comprised in the territory of 
some other Dardanian Municipium. 

The hill on which the Akropolis or " Grad " of Skopia lies is an offshoot of a 
low range, to the left of the Vardar, which juts out to the North into the middle of 
the plain. A little rivulet divides this range from a more isolated hill beyond, the 
"Western slope of which overlooks the confluence of the Lepenac and Vardar. The 
point is important, as being the natural meeting point of two lines of road over 
the passes of the Shar. That to the "West gives access to Kalkandelen and Prisren 
on one side, and the Dibra district of Albania on the other. The route to the North 
is that already described, which threads the pass of Kacanik and secures com- 
munication with the ancient Dardanian city of Ulpiana in a more remote degree 
with the Dalmatian littoral and the Save basin. From this hill, known as the hill 
of Zlokucani, both avenues could be watched with even greater facility than from 
Skopia itself. The site was therefore admirably adapted for a watch station and 
bulwark against the wild Illyrian regions to the North and West. 

Immediately beneath this hill, at the confluence of the Lepenica and Vardar, 
lies the village of Zlokucani, where I had the satisfaction of first coming upon 
remains which fix beyond reasonable doubt the original site of the ancient Scupi. 
The abundance of Eoman fragments about this village was truly astonishing. To 
the North of the modern road the foundations of a considerable public building, 
perhaps a temple, were clearly visible, including several of the bases of a double 
row of columns. A little to the Bast of this was a corner portion apparently of a 
city gate. In the immediate vicinity were to be seen broken shafts of columns, 
pedestals, a piece of a stone pavement, and innumerable other blocks, and the tiles 
and pottery that strewed the neighbouring fields bore still more unmistakeable 
witness to the existence of an ancient city. That so much of the Eoman founda- 
tions should have been visible was due to some recent excavations of the surface 
soil conducted by an engineer in the Turkish service with the object of procuring 
building material for a new bridge over the Lepenica hard by. The number of 
inscriptions thus unearthed about this spot was, by all accounts, very considerable; 
they were however, without exception, walled up into the foundations of the 
bridge, and are probably lost for ever to archaeology. More than this, the chief 
Turkish proprietor of the village, who has a fanatical detestation of inscriptions, 
had given orders to the peasants to throw all " written stones " such as they are con- 
tinually finding in their fields, into the river, " all such being works of the Devil 
and the cursed Giaour." In the bed of the river several large Roman sarcophagi, 
uninscribed as far as I could observe, lay about pell mell, but they owed their 
present position to the gradual excavation of the river-bank by the stream. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 87 

The smaller remains extended from the village to the hill above already 
described, which is locally known as the Zlokucan Kalesi. On the Western flank 
of this was a Bulgarian Cemetery, and here again were many fragments of Roman 
monuments, amongst them of some fluted columns. Above this the whole hill-side 
was covered with debris of Eoman tiles and stone-work, while at one point there 
rose a fragment of an old wall of conglomerate masonry. Above this again a well 
defined ridge, concealing apparently the course of a wall of circumvallation and 
covered with stones and tiles, ran round the whole hill-top, while within it rose 
another similar stone and tile-covered bank. The summit of what was evidently 
the Akropolis of the original Skupi, perhaps representing the original Illyrian 
hill-stronghold, is of small area, but the position is most commanding, and, save for 
the fact that the Vardar actually washes the foot of the akropolis-hill of the later 
Skopia, is, from a military point of view, superior to the latter. This akropolis- 
hill is connected by a narrow neck with another portion of the same range, the 
upper surface of which is as thickly strewn with the remains of the Roman city 
as the more fortified part. While examining this I found a Roman sepulchral 
monument of perhaps third-century date, erected by her husband to a certain 
Claudia Ingenua (fig. 72), and near this lay a tile containing an interesting 
fragment of another inscription (fig. 88), dating from the Christian period of 
Roman Scupi. 

A crossway leads through the fields here everywhere strewn with tiles and 
pottery from Zlokucani to the neighbouring village of Bardovce, before reaching 
which it passes a low hill which must have been an important quarter of the ancient 
Scupi. Along the side of this some recent excavations, made in order to obtain 
material for building purposes, had revealed a variety of ancient blocks, and 
amongst them some huge fragments of a cornice and a base evidently belonging 
to an important building. In the neighbourhood of this were two Roman tombs, 
which I excavated. The first proved to be a large cist, consisting of six ponde- 
rous slabs, and lined with square tiles in two parallel rows ; it contained nothing 
but a few bones, and must have been rifled in ancient times. The second, 
equally unproductive so far as relics were concerned, was of the same general 
construction, but made up of the remains of earlier monuments, as was proved 
by the fact that it contained within it an inscribed slab with a dedication 
of a local priest of Augustus to the " Gods and Goddesses " (fig. 56). This 
part of the Roman site forms as useful a quarry to the present inhabitants as 
that near Zlokucani, and many monuments have been quite recently dis- 
interred to be broken up or lost in modern buildings. Two sepulchral slabs, 
however, from the spot had been preserved in the neighbouring Konak of Hakif 

88 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

Mechmed Pasha at Bardovce, where I was permitted to see them in the inner 
court of this fine Turkish country house. Both of them apparently owed their 
preservation to the fact that they contained reliefs, in the one case of a husband, 
wife, and child (fig. 75), in the other of a Miles Frwmentarius of the Seventh 
Legion (fig. 60). 

The sources of Mechmed Pasha's fortune are interesting in the light which 
they throw on the local industry of the ancient inhabitants of Scupi. These 
I learnt to be an old iron mine near Kisela Voda, a chalybeate spring which rises 
on the Southern flank of the range dominating the right bank of the Lepenica, 
and, in the same neighbourhood, a quarry of excellent white marble. This 
marble is in high repute throughout the central part of the Balkan Peninsula, 
and is largely used for tombstones, both Mahometan and Christian. Quantities of 
it are exported to a considerable distance and as far away as Nish (the ancient 
Naissus), in Serbia, I saw marble monuments, the material of which had been 
ordered from the Pasha's quarries near the ancient site of Scupi. Once more we 
find the site of a Dardanian city connecting itself with ancient mines and quarries. 

The virtues of the mineral spring of Kisela Voda " were probably not unknown 
to the Roman citizens of Scupi. The spring itself spurts up with fountain-like 
force in the centre of a ruinous octagonal basin. The hill to the Bast of it seems 
to have been formerly the scene of a similar fountain, as it was covered with iron- 
stained fragments and a white deposit in all respects resembling the deposit 
formed by the existing source. On the rocks at the top here were observable arti- 
ficial grooves and channels, evidently belonging to an ancient bath, but broken up 
and tossed about in chaotic disorder by some vast natural convulsion. Lower 
down, near the village of Vucidol were traces of another mineral source, a 
curious line of undermined rocks, the cavities of which were filled with the same 
chalybeate deposit. On examining their upper surface I found an implumum, of 
angular form and sockets for small columns cut out of the rock, showing that 
here, too, must have existed an ancient building. ; but in this case, as the former, 
the natural floor of rock had been ploughed up by cataclsymic agencies. In the 
wooded glen above, a little below the village of Kuckova, had been recently found 
a small image, a sight of which I obtained with difficulty from the Bulgar 
peasants. It proved to be a rude Roman bas-relief of Hercules clad in the 
Nemean lion's-skin ; and I have since heard that a " written stone " has been 
discovered, together with an ancient fountain, near the same village. Somewhat 
further, in a gorge opening on to Lepenica valley, is the Albanian village of 

a Literally " Bitter Water," a common name for mineral sources throughout the South-Slavonic 
countries. The temperature was 75 Fahr. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 89 

Nekistan, where, amongst the ruins of a mediasval church, lay a large fragment of 
a Roman tombstone (fig. 53) referring to the COLONIA of Scupi. 

The traces of the ancient buildings near the mineral springs, destroyed by some 
great natural catastrophe, afford a highly interesting commentary on the passage 
of the sixth century Illyrian chronicler Comes Marcellinus, who records the 
overthrow of Scupi itself, and other cities of Dardania by a terrific earthquake in 
the year 518. The writer describes the catastrophe with the vividness of an eye- 
witness. " In the province of Dardania," he writes, " twenty-four Castella were 
ruined in a single moment by repeated shocks of earthquake. Two of these were 
overwhelmed, with all their habitations ; four with half their buildings and inhabi- 
tants ; eleven were overthrown with a loss of a third of their citizens and houses ; 
seven more lost a quarter of their houses and population and were left deserted 
through fear of the neighbourhood of the ruins. Moreover, the Metropolitan City 
of Scupi was ruined to its foundations, though without any destruction of its 
citizens, for they were at the time in the act of fleeing from the enemy. In one 
castle, in the district of Canisa, called Sarnunto, there took place an eruption, and 
the earth vomited forth from its inner cavities a continual burning shower on 
every side, like the blast from a fiery furnace." Many mountains, we are told, 
throughout the province were rent asunder ; rocks and forest trees were torn from 
their sockets ; and a yawning chasm " twelve feet in breadth and thirty miles in 
extent " intercepted and entombed many of the fugitive citizens. a In the volcanic 

Comes Marcellinus (Ad. Ann. 518). "In Provincia Dardania assidno terraemotu xxiv. Castella 
uno momento collapsa sunt. Quorum duo suis cum habitatoribus demersa, quatuor dimidia sedifi- 
ciorum suorum hominumque amissa parte destructa, undecim tertia domorum totidemque populi 
clade dejecta, septem quarta tectorum suorum tantaque plebis parte depressa, vicina vero (al. 
" vicinarum ") metu ruinarum despecta sunt. Scupus namque Metropolis, licet sine civium suorum 
hostem fugientium clade, funditus tamen corruit. Uno in Castello, regionis Caniste, quod Sarnunto 
dicitur, ruptis tune terra venis et ad instar torridoe fornacis exeestuans diutinum altrinsecus 
ferventemque imbrem evomuit. Plurimee totius Provinciee rnontes hoc terreemotu scissi sunt, saxa 
que suis evulsa compagibus, devolutaque arborum (? devolutasque arbores) crepido per xxx. passunm 
millia patens et in xii. pedum latitudinem dehiscens profundum aliquantis voraginem civibus 
castellorum saxorumque ruinas vel adhuc hostium incursiones fugientibus jussa* paravit." The 
last paragraph is evidently corrupt, but the general sense is clear. Crepido here = fissura (Cf. 
Du Cange, s. v.~). With this Dardanian " Sarnunto" I will venture to connect the Sarnoates, referred 
to on the Illyrian coins reading 2APNOATQX, and the Sapvove of Stephanus of Byzantium and 
Polyasnus. I will even go further and suggest the emendation of the unknown (Bapvowj) " Bapvovvra " 
of Strabo (7, 7, 4), mentioned as lying on or near the Egnatian Way between Lychnidus (Ochrida) and 
Heraclea Lyncestis, into 'S.apvovvra, and its identification in turn with the Sapj/oBc of the coins, and the 
" Sarnunto " of Marcellinus. This attribution would bring down a corner of sixth century Dardania 
to the neighbourhood of Monastir, but it is not at least inconsistent with Procopius' description of 


90 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwn. 

rocks that strew the neighbourhood of the Roman thermal station of Banjska, 
above Mitrovica, we may see, perhaps, another landmark of the same catastrophe. 
Outside the actual site of ancient Scupi and its immediate vicinity the most 
abundant traces of Eoman settlement are to be found on the slopes and amongst 
the shady glens of the Dardanian Tzernagora, or Karadagh, to the North of the 
plain of Uskiip. Fertile, well- watered, and cool in summer, this upland region 
seems to have been a favourite villeggiatura of the citizens of Scupi, and, as 
numerous mediaeval churches and monasteries attest, the Orthodox of a later 
period found its sites not less adapted for their monastic retreats. Several small 
tributaries of the Lepenica and Vardar here take their rise, and from one of these 
sources the town of Skopia has from time immemorial derived its water supply 
by an Aqueduct of Byzantine construction, to which we shall have occasion to 
return. It is noteworthy, that in this district vine culture is carried to greater 
perfection than elsewhere among the South Dardanian peasantry, and the wine of 
Kuceviste, especially, enjoys a deserved reputation in Skopia. This village, lying 
on a neck of land between two streams, has a fine Serbo-Byzantine church, 
founded, according to local tradition, by one of the Nemanjas, where, behind the door 
of the Proavlion, I found the most interesting existing record of the municipal 
government of Eoman Scupi (fig. 54, see p. 114). In the churchyard, amongst the 
other slabs lay a Eoman sepulchral monument (fig. 51) to a Veteran of the 
7th Legion, remarkable for the artistic finish of its execution. This monument 
had been removed, not many years since, to its present position from a field about 
half an hour's walk below the village, which was by all accounts a Eoman cemetery. 
I learned that the whole ground, at a depth of two or three feet below the present 
surface, was occupied by ancient graves, and that many slabs had at different 
times come to light presenting inscriptions. On visiting the spot I found it, 
unfortunately, covered with growing vines, and was thus prevented from making 
excavations ; I saw, however, a place from which large blocks had been recently 
taken, to be used in the restoration of the neighbouring church of St. Athanasius. 
At a farm-house at the village of Mirkovce, a little lower down, were two large 
fragments of another Legionary tomb (fig. 61), and a portion of a third inscrip- 

the " European Dardanians " as living above Dyrrhachium. The town and region of Monastir itself 
(at or near the site of the ancient Heraclea Lyncestis) was known in Byzantine times as Pelagonia, 
and we have here, I venture to think, a clue to the whereabouts of the PELAGIA of a series of Illyrian 
coins that in all respects are companion pieces to those reading SAPNOATQN. On the other hand, the 
superior workmanship and Zacynthian affinities of the kindred Damastian coins would lead us to seek 
for the site of Damastion nearer the Epirote littoral. See p. 38. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


tion, besides a part of a monument displaying a cross, and perhaps of Byzantine 
date. In the neighbouring village of Brazda I observed another Roman sepulchral 
slab (fig. 52), also belonging to a Veteran of the 7th Legion, built into a fountain. 
This, however, according to an old inhabitant of the place, had been removed 
from a spot called Dancov Bres on the plain below, and not far distant from 
Bardovce. The transfer from that place was no doubt facilitated by a curiously 
straight piece of road across the plain, which had all the appearance of having 
been of Roman origin. At Dancov Bres itself I could only find fragments of 
stone in a clump of brushwood; but several monuments have been, at different 
times, unearthed there. 

In a leafy gorge above Kuceviste is the Monastery of the Archangels, with a 
fine old Serbian church, said to have been built by the Emperor Dusan. Crossing 
the watershed to the West, and passing a source with the time-honoured name of 
Banja, to which attention has been already called, the traveller reaches the rich 
valley of the Banjanska Rjeka, and the Minster Church of St. Nikita, another 
well-preserved old Serbian monument, rising on a vine-clad height above the 
village of Banjani. Near this, again, is a ruined church of the Theotokos, or 
Bogorodica, where was another fine Legionary slab (fig. 62) ; and in the threshold 
and before the door of a small church a hard by, two smaller Roman sepulchral 
monuments (figs. 78, 85). Further up the same gorge, in the very heart of the 
Karadagh, is the orthodox Monastery of St. Ilija. The church here is very small, 
but is built into a cavern, which points, perhaps, to a local cult of greater than 
Christian antiquity. In all likelihood, here, as in the case of St. Ilija above 
Plevlje, the mantle of the Thunder-God Perun has fallen on to the shoulders of the 
Slavonic St. Elias. Nor, considering the continuity of religious tradition in these 
remote regions, to which I shall again have occasion to return, is it by any means 
improbable that this sacred cave of the Karadagh may have been devoted to a 
Thunderer of still earlier date. In the court-yard of the Monastery below I 
observed a Roman altar ; but, unfortunately, the inscription, if it ever had any, was 
hopelessly defaced. 

A mountain-path leads from the gorge of Banjani past the village of ducera, 
where, in the bone-house of the church, I saw another Roman sepulchral inscrip- 
tion (fig. 76), and thence over the watershed into the valley of the Lepenica at the 
Southern end of the Kacanik Pass. At this point a peninsular peak overhangs the 
left bank of the stream. On the col connecting this promontory with the main range 

a Gomjanska Crkva. 

92 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

of the Karadagh, and reaching thence to the summit of the peak, were very extensive 
remains. The ruins were of the most thorough-going kind. Nothing beyond the 
foundation of walls, and heaps of stones and tiles, is at present to be seen, but 
these cover a considerable area, including the whole hill-top, as well as the con- 
necting neck of land. They show that a peak stronghold and surrounding walled 
town must in former times have existed here. There is at present no human 
habitation in the immediate neighbourhood, but the inhabitants of Banjani call 
the place " Davina," and have a tradition that it belonged to a lady of that name, 
who was slain by the Turks when they conquered the country. They also call it 
Stari Bazar, or the " Old Market," and the remains of the peak castle are known, 
like so many other Old Slavonic " grads " hereabouts, as Markova Kula, the 
" tower," that is, of King's Son Marko. Amongst the remains I discovered a few 
fragments of Roman sarcophagi, and an ornament of apparently Serbo-Byzantine 
style, from which, as well as from the local tradition, we may conclude that the 
ruins are those of a mediaeval Serbian town and stronghold, which formerly guarded 
the Southern end of the pass, as Kacanik the Northern. The chief object of my 
search was a Roman stone, of the existence of which near these ruins I had been 
assured by more than one peasant. After more than one fruitless visit to the spot, 
I was at last successful in finding it in pieces amongst the brushwood on the southern 
steep of the hill. It proved to be a monument erected by the local Republic to the 
Emperor Gallienus, the most interesting historic relic of Roman Scupi (fig. 55). 

Eastwards of Kuceviste, a path leads over another mountain spur to the village 
of Ljubanze, inhabited by a Bulgar population. On the way here I found a 
" Crkviste " or ruined site of a church, on which were one or two Roman 
fragments. A little to the West of the village was another similar ruin to a 
great extent composed of Roman blocks and monuments. Amongst these, firmly 
bedded for the most part in the walls and foundations were shafts, capitals, 
and bases of columns, an altar, part of which however had been defaced, and 
five slabs containing inscriptions, four of them sepulchral (figs. 69, 70, 84, 87), 
but one containing a dedication to an apparently local God (fig. 58). A little 
lower down the stream on which Ljubanze lies is the village of Radusan, where a 
large sepulchral slab had been recently found by an Albanian whilst working in 
his garden ; it was divided into two compartments, but on one alone was the 
inscription legible (fig. 77). Above this village again, on a peninsular height, 
commanding far and wide the plain of Skopia, is the noble church of Ljubiten, 
roofless, alas ! and doomed to inevitable decay, but still preserving when I saw it 
some of the most remarkable illustrations of the most remarkable period of old 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwm. 93 

Serbian history. No traveller has described, and, as far as I am aware, no traveller 
has hitherto visited this highly interesting shrine, which has long since fallen into 
the alien and infidel hands of Albanian Mahometans ; and, although the present 
communication relates rather to the remains of an earlier period, a cursory descrip- 
tion may not be out of place. The ground plan of the body of the church is square, 
terminating externally in a five-sided apse. The cupola, at present in a ruinous 
state, was supported by four massive columns. Of the capitals one has disappeared 
entirely, two, perhaps of later date, are merely painted with a chevron ornament, 
the fourth has its four corners carved into the shape of a scallop, an eagle, a 
foliated coil, and a ram's head, and it may be remarked that all these ornaments 
recur in the capitals of the Comnenian Minster church at Matej6i, on the other side 
of the Karadagh. The walls are of stone alternating with tiles, and over the 
Western doorway is a Serbian inscription in Cyrillian characters recording the 
erection of the church to the honour of St. Nicholas in the year 1337, and under 
the rule of King Stephen Dusan. But the chief glory of the church are the 
frescoes within, which were evidently completed after the date when the Serbian 
monarch assumed the insignia of Empire. On the North wall of the church Czar 
Dusan himself is to be seen depicted with the Imperial crown upon his head, and 
the Imperial mantle on his shoulders, holding a three-limbed cross. At his side, 
crowned like himself, stand his Empress Helena and his young son Uros, while on 
either side of the chief entrance rise the Emperor's angelic and saintly protectors ; 
on the right the " Archistrategi " Michael and Gabriel, and on the left Saints 
Cosmas and Damian. Both the Czar and his Consort appear as they are repre- 
sented on their contemporary coinage. No record of this crowning achievement of 
Dusan's ambition could be better placed than in this church, overlooking afar the 
domes and towers of his residential City of Skopia, where he first assumed the 
crown and title of Emperor of the Greeks and Serbs, and of " all Romania." A 
less questionable monument of Roman rule is to be seen at the East end of the 
church, where lay a sepulchral slab with a finely wrought cornice, but the inscrip- 
tion on which was wholly obliterated. It appeared to have formed part of the altar. 
The remains hitherto described lie amongst the Southern and Western offshoots 
of the Dardanian Karadagh, which bounds the plain of Skopia to the Norlh-East. 
To the West of the site of Scupi, and on the further side of the the Vardar, rises 
the elongated limestone-mass of Karsjak, which is detached from the outlying 
ranges of the Shar to the North by the stupendous cleft of the Treska. Mount 
Karsjak itself forms the watershed between the Skopia expanse and the basin of 
the Markova Rjeka, the Eoman remains of which I shall treat separately as 

94 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

possibly to be referred to another Municipium. The monuments however of Roman 
date existing on the Eastern slopes of Karsjak come fairly within the antiquarian 
domains of Scupi itself, and the same may be said of the rugged promontory of 
the Shar that separates the confluent waters of the Treska and Yardar. 

At a village at the south-eastern foot of Karsjak, which, like the old bath already 
described, is called Kiselavoda from a slightly bitter spring there, had apparently 
been a Roman cemetery ; I saw one large uninscribed sarcophagus in situ, and, 
according to the Bulgar inhabitants, many others had been dug up at the game 
spot. Hearing of an inscription graven on a rock on the very summit of the 
mountain, I started from Skopia with local guides, to investigate it. On a head- 
land, about an hour above Skopia, I observed the ruins of an ancient castle, termi- 
nating in a polygonal tower, and with chambers excavated in the ground, from 
which it derives its name, Markova Magazija " Marko's storehouse." It certainly 
dates from old Serbian time. About an hour from the summit I came upon an 
ancient road, which follows with much evenness the eastern contour of the moun- 
tain ; according to the local account it leads in one direction to Prilip and Ochrida, 
and in the other over the Shar to Prisren. That it was useful in the days of the 
old Serbian dominion as a means of communication with the numerous monasteries 
scattered about this Alpine region there can be no doubt; it is always possible 
however that, in part at least, it represents a Roman line of communication 
between Scupi and Heraclea or Lychnidus. It seems to me not improbable that 
this road answers to that described by the Arabian geographer, Bdrisi," as leading 
from Skopia, b through a place called Bolghoura, or Bolghar, to Ochrida, and thence 
through "Teberle" (? Debra) to Durazzo. Near the gorge of the Treska I 
observed on another occasion a branch or continuation of this running "Westward 
along the Northernmost terrace of Karsjak, which, from its linear directness, 
appeared to me to be of Roman origin. An hour above this ancient road we 
reached the summit of the mountain, only to find that the inscription had been 
recently destroyed by some fanatic. The panorama, however, was magnificent ; 
to Bast and North Skopia, its plain and intersecting rivers ; to South and West 

* Geographic (TEdrisi, traduite d'Arabe en Fran$ais par P. Amedee Jaubert, t. ii. p. 289, 290. 

b Edrisi describes Skopia itself as " a considerable town surrounded by many vineyards and 
cultivated fields." From Skopia onwards he mentions a route to Kratova (Kortos), where two lines 
of communication branched, one to Nish, the other to Seres, Drama, and Christopolis. 

c There is an apparent discrepancy in Edrisi's account. On p. 289 " Bolghoura " is mentioned 
as " a pretty town on the top of a high mountain," four days from Scopia : on p. 290 " Boulghar " is 
mentioned as one day distant from Skopia. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwm. 95 

the broad undulating glen drained by the Markova Rjeka and its tributaries ; 
while the snowy line of the Shardagh fringed the North-Western horizon. 

From the rocky knoll that forms the highest summit of Karsjak we descended 
to the North-East through woods of Spanish chestnut (locally known as Kustanje 
a near approach to Castanea) to some remarkable ruins. The first we visited was 
known as Timpanica, and proved to be the remains of a very substantial stone 
building ; the walls were strongly cemented of roughly-shaped stones, and may 
have belonged to a Roman Castellum, but their ground-plan could no longer be 
restored with any certainty. About a quarter of an hour below this was a much 
more extensive ruin. On one side a wall, about six feet broad, of uncemented 
blocks of the local micaceous rock descended along the side of a ravine ; and, 
about one hundred yards below, took a turn at right-angles and ran along the 
face of the slope till it ended in what had been, apparently, a tower. Beyond this 
point the traces were obscure. The massiveness of the wall points to early times 
for its construction ; but the rudeness of the blocks and the absence of mortar 
forbids us to regard it as Eoman; It is not impossible that here, on the North- 
Western declivity of Mount Karsjak we have the remains of an early Dardanian 
stronghold that existed before the Roman Conquest. The natives call it Sofce, or 
Sofia ; there was, however, no trace of a church, nor of any work which could be 
referred to mediaeval times. 

To the North of this, perched on a peninsular spur of the same mountain, and 
shaded by magnificent walnut-woods, is the village of Neresi, or Naresi, tenanted 
by an Albanian population. An ice-cool fountain here bursts from the rock, and 
it is difficult not to connect the name of the village with the primitive word for 
water lurking in Nereus, and revived in the modern Greek vepo, and to recall the 
Illyrian clan of the Naresii, who, in Pliny's time, inhabited the upper valley of the 
Narenta, still known as the Neretva. a On the opposite side of the ravine rises a 

a It is remarkable that in 409 A.D. we find Pope Innocent addressing a letter " Martiano 
Episcopo Naresitano " in which he refers to the " Glerici Naresienses " as having been nominated by 
the heretic bishop Bonosus (of Serdica). Farlato, Illyricum Sacrum, remarks on this, " Naresitanam 
ecclesiam nuspiam invenies in ecclesiastica geographia," and would read " Naissitanam " : but the- 
parallel form " Naresienses " and the high improbability of such a corruption of a well-known 
name like that of Naissus militate against the suggestion. Here at least we have an " Ecclesia 
Naresitana or Naresiensis of Byzantine date and within a territorial sphere over which a heretic 
bishop of the Metropolis of Dacia Mediterranea may have usurped authority. Dardania, it must be 
remembered, was at this time one of the " Five Dacias "; and, though the Metropolitan of Scupi seems 
to have claimed precedence over the Metropolitan of Serdica (see p. 138), Bonosus may have succeeded 
for a while in turning the tables. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

Byzantine church, which proved to be of considerable interest. It forms part of 
a small Bulgar monastery, but I noticed that it differed from the prevailing Old 
Serbian type of this district in having four turrets at its angles, over and above 
the central cupola. Inside were some curious early Byzantine fragments, notably 
a flat marble plaque, on which birds and animals were carved in coilwork medal- 
lions, of a style which carried one back to the noble tenth-century foundation of 
the Emperor Romanes, at Styri, in Greece. The proavlion had been destroyed 
and rebuilt at a later period, but over the door leading from this into the body of 
the church was a long slab with the following Byzantine inscription, recording 
the erection and embellishment of the Church " of the great and glorious Martyr 
Panteleemon," by an " Alexios Comnenos, son of the imperial-born Theodora, in 
the year 1165, in the 3rd In diction, Joannikios being Hegumen" : 

f KOMMov M Tic nop^vporeUHil' KVP$G OACJ'PAC- w cenrfiittPiVfe 

Fig. 42. 




Theodora Comnena Porphyrogenita was the youngest daughter of the Emperor 
Alexios Comnenos (flllS), and married Constantine Angelos, a noble of Phila- 
delphia, by whom she became the mother of the imperial race of Angelos." Her 
son Alexios, the founder, or possibly restorer, of this church, is not mentioned by 
Ducange in his Familice Byzantince, but one of her sons, who appears in history as 
Constantine, distinguished himself in Manuel's campaigns against the Serbians, 
and after the re-capture of Ras, b about the year 1150, was left in command of the 
Byzantine troops in Dalmatia. The present inscription affords new evidence of 
the important position held at this time by the house of Angelos and Theodora in 
this part of the peninsula. 

* Ducange Familice Augustce Byzantines, p. 178, and 202. (Paris, 1680). 
b Near Novipazar. (See p. 54.) 
Kinnamos Hist. Lib. III. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 97 

The wall paintings round the church differed slightly in style from the usual 
old Serbian frescoes of this part, and the scrolls in the Saints' hands were, so 
far as I observed, in Greek instead of Cyrillian characters. On the massive square 
pier to the right of the ikonostasis (one of the four supporting the cupola) was 
a well-executed fresco of St. Panteleemon. The painting was canopied by a 
remarkable baldacchino, suggestive of Italian parallels, and forming a trefoil arch 
over which peacocks linked in Byzantine knotwork were carved within a palmetto 
border. In the porch was a large Roman gravestone (fig. 63), interesting as 
giving a Thracian name and its Latin alternative. 

From Naresi I descended to the level of the Vardar and made my way along a 
road which follows first its right bank and then the right bank of the T re ska to 
the village of Sisova, which lies at the Eastern opening of the Treska ravine. 
"Walled into the little church here were several Roman fragments, including two 
Ionic capitals. My exploration of the iron-gates of the Treska -above may be 
passed over here" as the interest attaching to the churches of St. Nikola and 
St. Andrea that lie in that almost inaccessible region belongs to the days of the 
Old Serbian kings ; nor did I anywhere notice Roman monuments. The trace of an 
ancient road running along the terrace of Mount Karsjak, that breasts this Treska 
ravine has been already noticed ; it is probable that the mediaeval road which, 
according to tradition, eventually brought this mountain district into connexion 
with the Czarigrad, Prisren, crossed the Treska near the village of Sisova, as there 
are still traces of an ancient bridge. Here, on the left bank of the stream, which 
at present has to be forded, rises the Monastery of Matkovo, with a fine Serbo- 
Byzantine church. Walled into the church was a Roman sepulchral slab (fig. 71), 
a Byzantine relief of birds in interlaced medallions, a column, and many other 
ancient fragments ; and from a spot a little below the monastery I was brought a 
portion of another Roman monument reading 

FLA . V . . . 


The old road-line that skirts the heights above, to the left of the river, would 
have afforded a means of access from the basin in which Scupi anciently stood to 

It is well, however, to mention that the npper course of the Treska as depicted on the Austrian 
Stabs-karte is entirely erroneous. No tributary runs into it near St. Nikola, and the river itself 
takes a long straight turn to the West above that monastery, instead of running, as represented, 
from the North. On my sketch-map I have corrected the geography of this district so far as my 
explorations enabled me. 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

the undulating glens of the Markova Rjeka, separated from the Skopia plain 
by the intervening mass of Mount Karsjak, the antiquities of which, as possibly 
belonging to the Ager of another Eoman Municipium, it may be well to present in 
a collective form. This region is of the greatest fertility, and is covered with 
cherry orchards, the fruit of which is the finest in the country ; but a still more 
important feature, as explaining the presence of Roman settlements, is an old gold 
mine on the right bank of the Markova Rjeka, a little below the village of Susica, 
which, according to my local informant, was still worked by the Turks only a 
dozen years back. A little above Susica is the interesting Monastery, Markov 
Manastir, where the tomb of the legendary hero of Serbian Epic is still to be seen, 







vim CAR- 


Fig. 43. 

Fig. ii. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


together with other old Slavonic frescoes and inscriptions of great importance for 
the mediasval history of these countries. Here I observed, walled into the church, 
a monument to a Veteran of the Seventh, Claudian, Legion* (fig. 43). On the 
Western slope of Mount Karsjak, in the village of Dolnji Sulna, the fountain was 
adorned with a sepulchral slab containing the Illyrian name-form " Gratties," the 
son of Alexander (fig. 44). 


In the upper church of the same village were two akroteria of Roman tombs, a 
portion of a cornice or pedestal, and other fragments. Near this, at G-ovarljevo, 
were several more ancient fragments, including an altar with a defaced inscription, 



Fig. 45. 

//s//. //// ^V 



Fig. 46. 

Incompletely given by Engelhardt, loc. cit. 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

and at Barova opposite, were three Roman inscriptions. Two of these of sepul- 
chral character (figs. 45 and 46) were walled into the precincts of the church. 
One of them (fig. 46), apparently referred to a VETeranus L/EGionis VII. Claudiae 
Pise Felicis, who was also DECurio of a Colony," in all probability of Scupi. The 
third inscription in a neighbouring cottage wall, though in an imperfect condition, 
is of considerable interest. It is part of an altar to Fortuna, apparently erected 
by a local Res Piiblica, but whether the name on the penultimate line refers to the 
city, or is an indigenous epitaph of Fortuna, it is not easy to determine 




Fig. 47. 

BETVAN . . . ? 

RES publica faciendum curavit. 

In this valley and on the heights of Mount Karsjak above, as in other places in 
the Skopia district were patches of the wild pear-tree the Albanian Darda with 
which Von Hahn connects the ancient name of Dardania. b 

a It must be observed, however, that the stone appears to read DFC . c and not DEC . C. 

b In the accusative form Darde-ne. Von Hahn Albanesische Studien, p. 236, compares the ancient 
derivation of the kindred Mysian race from a tree called in their language Mvmfc = the Old Greek 
'o$wij, and instances Hesiod's account of Zeus creating the third or brazen race of men from ash 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwm. 101 

Having briefly surveyed the Roman remains of the Markova Rjeka and the 
ranges that skirt the Vardar basin on either side of the site of Scupi, I may turn 
to those existing "in the modern town of Skopia and its immediate neighbourhood. 
It will be convenient to confine our present attention to the earlier relics to be seen 
in Skopia, and to defer the description of those of Byzantine dates till we come to 
treat of the later foundation of Justinian. It is noteworthy that none of the 
Roman monuments in the town itself have any claim to be considered in situ. 
The fine stone bridge which here spans the Vardar has, as already observed, no 
title to be considered Roman, and belongs to the category described in the 
preceding paper, of great bridges built by Italian and Dalmatian architects for 
Turkish governors in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, of which the old 
bridges over the Drina at Glorazda and Visegrad are conspicuous examples. 
Neither in the bridge itself, nor in the walls of the Akropolis that rises above it on 
the left bank of the Vardar, is there any trace of Roman construction. In the 
outer wall of the Akropolis there are however one or two fragments of inscriptions 
(figs. 81 and 82) that have been walled in at a later period. According to Hahn 
another existed near the entrance gate, but at present all traces of it have dis- 
appeared. In the lower town the Roman remains are mostly scattered about the 
Easternmost quarter, and in the old Hamam " of the Two Sisters " I saw several 
slabs ^presenting more or less fragmentary inscriptions (figs. 73, 74, 79). In the 
pavement of a neighbouring street was a large part of another containing the con- 
cluding lines of an elegiac epitaph to a local Nestor (fig. 68). In the wall of a 
ruined Mosque was also a sepulchral tablet (fig. 80), and the troughs of the drink- 
ing fountains in this part of Skopia are to a great extent made of Roman sar- 
cophagi. A little below the Musta Pasha Dzamia I observed an altar to Silvanus, 
while another altar with a Greek inscription and apparently dedicated to Zeus had 
recently been found by a Turkish Sheik in his garden in the Balaban Mahala, 
where he courteously invited me to inspect it (fig. 57). 

A point to be noted about the distribution of the Roman remains in Skopia 
itself is, that they approximately indicate the course of what was undoubtedly, in 
Roman times, the main line of communication between Scupi and the Macedonian 
towns to the South. The present direct route to Velese and the Lower Vardar 
runs nearer that river, but the older way takes an Eastward turn, along a low 
line of hills, in order to avoid the swamps of this part of the Vardar level. This 
older way, as the remains along it show, represents the course of the Roman road. 
At Skopia itself are two fragments of Roman milestones. No. 1 is embedded in 
a narrow lane near the clock-tower ; No. 2, which is in a still more mutilated 

102 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

condition, supports a wooden column of the verandah in front of a Turkish 
house, near the Orthodox school. 


IM . CAESAR/ . . . 







. . . pontifici JI/AXIMO .... 
Tribunicia POTESTATB . . 

COS III .... 

The first of these milestones belongs to Hadrian's time." 

The remains in the Southern part of the plain of Skopia, to the left of the Vardar, 
may be all conveniently considered in their relation to the Roman Way the course of 
which is marked by their occurrence. About a mile out of Skopia, to the South-East, 
the old road, which I venture to identify with the Roman Way, passes near a melon 
garden, in which I saw a Roman sepulchral inscription (fig. 83). To the Bast 
again of this lies the village of Hassanbeg, where, in making the new road to 
Kumanovo, the workmen had recently come upon a large "written stone." The 
stone proved to be a heavy block, submerged in a deep trench by mud and water 
from recent heavy rains. It was only, after an hour's struggle, and with the 
aid of eight peasants, that the stone was raised to such a position that, standing 
up to my waist in liquid mud and water, I was able to copy it. It proved to be 
of great interest, as referring to an Augustal " of the Colony of Scupi " (fig. 50). 

To the South-Bast of this is the village of Belombeg, with a Mahometan and 
mediaeval cemetery, where, according to the local tradition of the Bulgar peasants, 
had once been a Monastery dedicated to St. Peter. By the cistern here was the 
lid of a huge Roman sarcophagus, overturned and used as a trough for cattle, on 
the underside of which was a sepulchral inscription in well-cut letters (fig. 86). b 

a It was undoubtedly from this stone that Edward Brown derived his inscription SHIANC. See 
p. 83. No. 1 has been given by Dr. Kenner in a but slightly variant form on Herr Lippich's 
authority. See Sitzungsber. d. Wiener Akad. v. 80, p. 274 ; Eph. Ep. vol. iv. p. 82. 

b This block was so heavy that it took six men to lever it sufficiently for me to read the 
inscription. The Hassanbeg stone has since been removed to the Konak at Skopia. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 103 

Beyond Belombeg the road, which is here a broad grassy track, forks into two 
branches, each in all probability representing a Koman road-line, that to the left 
leading to Istib, the ancient Astabus, that to the right being the main line of 
communication with Stobi and Thessalonica. Following the latter still a grassy 
track for about twenty minutes in the direction of the village of Ibrahimovce, I 
came upon the most satisfactory evidence of its Roman origin. On a grassy slope 
above the road lay the massive base of a Roman milestone, but the upper part 
of the column, containing the inscription, had unfortunately been broken off. Near 
this lay a large Roman slab with a cornice, and several other ancient blocks. 
There is at present no human habitation in the immediate neighbourhood of these 
remains, but I found that the spot was known to the peasants as " Rusalinsko," 
a name which seems to me to be of the highest interest. The Roman Eosalia, 
the spring-feast of the departed, as opposed to the Brumalia, or winter-feast, 
answering, as it did, to a widespread vernal celebration, not by any means confined 
to Aryan peoples, took a firm hold on the provincials, notably in the old Thracian 
part of the Empire, where in the gardens of Midas bloomed, it was said, the hun- 
dred-petalled rose. The practice of strewing the graves with flowers, though at 
first stoutly opposed by the Christian Church, had finally to be accepted by them, 
and in the Eastern Empire at least the pagan spring-feast of the Manes appears to 
have long retained its ancient name. "Whether Slavonic tribes early acquired the 
name from actual contact with the Empire in Dacia, or whether they absorbed it, 
in the process of assimilating East Roman populations after their occupation of 
the Peninsula, it is certain that the Roman name for the feast and that, origi- 
nally, at least, in no derived Christian sense has spread, not only to the Illyrian 
Slavs, but beyond the limits of the Roman Empire to the Russians, and even 
the Lithuanians." The Russian Nestor (sub anno 1087) mentions the Rusalije 
amongst unholy merrymakings ; and " Rusalka," a derivative of this, has come to 
mean a Russian fairy. In the twelfth century, the Byzantine, Theodore Balsamon, 
in his Commentary on the 62nd Canon of the sixth Council of Trullo, which took 

a Some interesting remarks on the Slavonic Rusalje, Rusalije, &c., and their connexion with the 
Roman Rusalia will be found in Miklosich, Die Rusalien (Sitzungsberichte der k. Akad. d. Wissensch 
vol. xlvi. p. 386 seqq.), and W. Tomaschek, Vber Brumalia und Rosalia (Sitzungsberichte, 8fc. vol. v. 
p. 351 seqq.*). For the Roman Rosalia, see especially F. M. Avellino, Oposcoli (t. iii. p. 247 seqq.). 
Amongst the Lithuanians there is a June feast called Rasos Svente, which Miklosich shows to be the 
same celebration and derived from Rosas. Several inscriptions recording the celebration of the 
Rosalia on old Thracian soil have been discovered by Heuzey (Le Pantheon des rochers de Philippes, in 
Mission de Macedoine, p. 152 seqq.). The Roman Rosalia, at least in later times, seem to have been 
specially associated with the cult of Flora (Cf. Ovid, Fasti, lib. v.) 

104 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

place in the seventh century, explains the ungodly assemblies there condemned 
as the " Rusalia," still celebrated, he tells us, in out-of-the-way districts. 
Amongst the Bulgars, who to a not inconsiderable extent represent a Slavonized 
Rouman population, this name for the old Parentalia, the spring-feast of departed 
spirits, has transferred itself to the Christian feast of the Holy Spirit, without, 
however, losing some of its heathen associations. The Bulgarian writer Zachariev 
mentions a spot near some ancient ruins, in the Tatar Bazardzik district, whither 
at the time of the " Rusalje " the sick are brought to be cured by laying them on 
a bed of rose-like flowers, sacred to the Elves, or " Samodivas" ft It is probable 
enough that this or similar practices have attached the name to the ruin-field 
of " Rusalinsko." As to the actual practice of crowning tombs with roses and 
other flowers at the season of the Rusalje, it prevails throughout all this region, 
and in village after village I found the gravestones decorated with bunches of 
sweet-smelling herbs and flowers, amongst which roses were conspicuous. 

Beyond " Rusalinsko," approaching the village of Ibrahimovce, the terrace of 
the Roman road was clearly traceable, running along a low slope which overlooks 
an old bed of the Vardar, filled in places with dead water. This ancient bed of 
the river, and the swamps in which its course is ultimately lost, amply account 
for the easterly curve taken by the old Thessalonican highway at this point. The 
modern road runs straight from Ibrahimovce to TJskiip, but in rainy seasons it is 
often impassable, and travellers have to make their way by the older track. 
Ibrahimovce itself is a small Bulgarian village, but it contains a monument of 
antiquity, interesting in itself, and of greater interest in its connexion with a 
local cult which has at least all the superficial appearance of being a direct 
inheritance from Roman times. Lying on its back on the village green was a 
large block, which proved on examination to be a Roman altar, erected to Jupiter 
Optimus Maximus, by an ^Edile of a Colonia, of which we learn no more than 
that its name began with co . . . , who was also Duumvir of the Colony of Scupi. 

To my astonishment, I learnt that this monument of Roman municipal piety 
towards the " cloud-compeller " is still the object of an extraordinary local cult. 
I was informed by one of the inhabitants that in time of drought the whole of the 
villagers, both Christian and Mahometan, with a local Bey at their head, go 
together to the stone, and, having restored it to its upright position, pour 
libations of wine over the top, praying the while for rain. The language of the 
villagers is at present a Slavonic dialect, and the name of Jove was as unknown 

a See Jirecek, Geschichte der Bulgaren, p. 56. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


to them as the inscription on the stone was unintelligible. Nevertheless, it was 
difficult not to believe that in this remote Illyrian nook some local tradition of the 



\4> COLON 


Fig. 48. 

cult of Jupiter Pluvius had survived all historic changes. The ceremonial pro- 
cedure essentially differs from the time-honoured Slavonic method of procuring 
rain. In Serbia, where the practice chiefly flourishes, a girl known as a Dodola, 

106 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

after being first stripped almost to a state of nature, and then dressed up with 
garlands and green branches, is led from house to house, singing what is called 
a Dodola song, in return for which she is well soused with water by the inmates.* 
Among the Bulgars the Dodola reappears as the "Preperuga;" and the preva- 
lence of this practice among the old Slovene settlers in the Balkan lands is shown 
by its transmission from them to the Romaic Greeks b and the Wallachians. But 
libations, and libations of wine, poured on an altar, and that an altar of Jupiter, 
introduce us to an altogether different cult. The solemn assembly of the villagers 
led by the local Bey, or Mahometan landowner, irresistibly reminds us of the 
Roman rain-procession, as described by Petronius, when the women, " clad in 
stoles, made their way barefoot chaste of mind and with dishevelled hair to 
the sacred hill, and won rain from Jupiter by their prayers, so that then or never 
it rained bucketsfull, and all laughed to find themselves as wet as rats." Petro- 
nius speaks of the disuse of this practice at Rome itself as a sympton of the 
irreligious spirit of the Age, but it was precisely one of those homely rites that 
would most naturally survive in country places. The Emperor Antoninus, in his 
Meditations, cites the Athenian prayer, " Rain, rain, dear Zeus, on the ploughed , 
fields and plains of the Athenians," as the very model of simple and noble prayer. 
To the paganus it was certainly the most necessary, and in a country where both 
the new year's feast of the Kalendae and the summer feast of the Rosalia are still 
known by derivatives of their Roman names, the possibility of a survival of the 
Roman rain-procession and of the calling down of rain by votive offerings and 
prayer cannot be absolutely excluded. 

The fact that the present inhabitants of the district are Slavonic-speaking 
cannot weigh against this possibility. In the old Dalmatian regions I have 
already, more than once, had occasion to insist on the survival of the Romanized 
indigenous population in a Slavonic guise. In Dardania the evidence of this is 
at least as strong, and in the neighbouring Thracian districts the old tribal 
names have in some cases been preserved by populations who would, so far as 
speech is concerned, at present be classed as Bulgarians or Serbs. Thus the 

a Cf. Vuk Stepanovic, Lexicon, s. v. Dodola. A Dodola song is translated by Mr. Ralston in his 
Songs of the Russian People, p. 228. The derivation is obscure. 

b The modern Greeks have the Dodola in the form of Hopirripovva which is simply derived from 
the nasalized old Slovene form of Preperuga. The Wallachian name is Papeluga. Compare also 
Prporuse and Prpac, alternative male forms of the " Dodola " among the Serbs of Dalmatia (Vuk 
Stefanovic Lexicon s. v.). Prpa is a Serbian word for ashes mixed with water. 

See p. 47. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. ] 07 

Noropes, who inhabited this very region of the Upper Axios, re-appear as the 
Neropch or Meropch of the early Serbian laws ; the Mijatzi of the Dibra district 
have been compared with their Mossian predecessors ; the Pijanci, who still 
inhabit a tract in Northern Macedonia, with the old Paeonians; the Sopi of the 
Sofia basin recall the Thracian Sapaei, and the Timaci of Ptolemy find their con- 
tinuity on the banks of the same river as the Slavonic Timociani. Amongst the 
Albanian tribes the evidence of the absorption of Romanized elements is still more 
striking, nor is this anywhere more evident than amongst those members of the 
Albanian race who inhabit the Dardanian ranges." That these North-Easternmost 
representatives of Skipetaria should have become thus saturated with Latin 
linguistic elements Rouman rather than Roman in character shows the long 
survival in the old Dardanian province of Vlach successors of the Latin-speaking 
provincials, a survival amply attested by Old Serbian Chrysobulls like the Decani 
grant of Stephen Dusan. There is evidence that in the early Middle Ages there 
was a Rouman population in the neighbourhood of Skopia. b Nor is the dis- 
appearance of this element from the Upper Vardar basin necessarily to be 
accounted for by wholesale emigration. We are justified in inferring that the 
same phenomenon that we have been enabled to ascertain in the case of parts of 
Southern Dalmatia, of Herzegovina and Montenegro, has repeated itself in these 
Dardanian valleys ; and that here, too, a Romance population, after long existing 
side by side with elements Slavonic and Albanian, has finally, and after first 
passing through a bi-lingual stage, adopted the language of one or other of its 
political superiors, though more often, it must be admitted, of the Albanians. If 
there is one thing that my present explorations have placed beyond the region of 
controversy, it is that the native Dardanian population of this whole region, 
whether on the plains of the Vardar or in the gorges of the Karadagh and neigh- 
bouring ranges, had by the third and fourth centuries of our era become thoroughly 
Romanized. Roman inscriptions, as we have seen, and as I shall yet have to show, 
are scattered throughout the remotest glens of the country, and the proportion on 
them of indigenous names is distinctly less than on the monuments existing on 
the Roman sites in the back parts of Dalmatia Montana. 

The present Slavonic speech of the inhabitants of Ibrahimovce is, therefore, 
by no means an insuperable bar to the possible survival among them of Roman 
traditions. The rite itself, moreover, is, as we had shown, foreign to the pre- 

See p. 71. 

b Vlachs near Skopia are mentioned under the Bulgarian Czar Constantine (1258-1277). See 
Jirecek, Geschichte der Bulgaren, p. 218. 


108 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

valent Slavonic usage, whether amongst Serbs or Bulgars. The cult of certain 
stones and rocks is, indeed, widely spread amongst the Albanians ; a but I am not 
aware of any rain-compelling ceremony amongst them at all answering to that 
performed over this altar of Jupiter. Equally impossible is it to regard the 
present rite as of Oriental origin, though the Turks and Mahometans generally 
have undoubtedly taken over from the primitive Chaldsean religion the cult of 
innumerable local " betuli," besides the Caaba. On the other hand, it is well to 
remember that, apart from the utilization of an altar of Jove for the purpose 
(which may, after all, be the result of extraordinary coincidence), the practice of 
obtaining rain by means of libations poured on a holy stone re-appears in the 
most remote quarters of the globe. Thus, among the Kol tribes of Bengal the 
women climb the hill which is supposed to be the Rain-God himself, and place 
offerings of milk on the flat rock at the top, after which the wives of the Pahans, 
with loosened tresses, pray the Mountain God to give seasonable rain. b The 
libation on a rock for such a purpose has also Celtic parallels. In the Roman de 
Rou, the Breton hunters go to the spring of Berenton, fill their horns with water, 
and pour it on the fountain-stone to produce a copious rainfall. 

The COL . Co .... of the inscription on the altar is not impossibly connected 
with the site of a considerable Koman settlement that I discovered on the hills 
about half-an-hour to the East of Ibrahimovce. My attention had been originally 

a An extraordinary instance of such a cult at the village of Selci belonging to the Clementi 
tribe is given in Decanski Prvenac, Novisad (Neusatz), 1852, p. 81. 

b Tylor (Primitive Culture, vol. ii. p. 260, 2nd ed.), who cites Dalton, Kols in Tr. Ethn. Soc. vol. 
vi. p. 35. 

c Eoinan de Rou, ii. 6399. (Ed. Andresen ii. 283). 

" La fontaine de Berenton 
Sort d'une part lez un pen-on ; 
Aler soleient ueneor 
A Berenton par grant chalor, 
E a lor cors 1'eue espuisier 
E le perron desus nioillier, 
For co soleient pluie aueir ; 
Issi soleit iadis ploneir 
En la forest e enuirun 
Mais io ne sai par quel raison." 

Of. Grimm. Deutsche Mythologie (4th Ed.) vol. iii. p. 494. At Kulen Vakup in Bosnia I came 
upon the reverse of this method. There, sacred stones are let down in a net into the spring to 
produce rain. If the stones were to drop out of the net a great flood would ensue. See my Illyrian 
Letters, p. 109. For another Breton parallel see Crestien de Troies, Li romans dow Chevalier au Lyon, 
v. 387, seqq. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


attracted to the spot by the sight of two round barrows which crown two opposite 
headlands about 250 feet above the level of the plain. The nearer of these I under- 
took to excavate, Feik Pasha kindly supplying me with workmen for the purpose. 
The greater part of the barrow, which was fourteen feet in height, consisted of a 
concretion of clay and calcareous particles very difficult to dig into, so that it took 
fifteen men two days and a-half to cut a trench as deep as the base of the mound 
to its centre. The results were disappointing; besides a surface interment, 
probably of the Roman period, consisting of two skeletons, a fragment of iron, 
and a couple of bronze rings, I found nothing, except some horse-bones at a depth 
of twelve feet. The mound would therefore not be of sepulchral origin, and both 
it and its fellow about a mile distant may possibly, as in the case of the mounds to 
be seen at intervals both on the Egnatian Way and the Agger Publicus that 
traversed Central Illyricum, have stood in some relation to a Roman road. 

The excavation of the mound, though otherwise unfruitful, gave me leisure to 
explore the neighbouring country. In the valley, between the two mounds, I 
found the surface of the ground literally strewn 
with Roman tiles and pottery. The natives univer- 
sally recognise the fact that an ancient town once 
existed here, and call the site " Seliste," which 
literally means "the site of a settlement," the mound 
itself being known by the presumably Rouman name 
of Tumba. To the East of the Tumba the remains 
extended to the village of Hadzalar, in which di- 
rection the peasants assured me there had formerly 
been considerable blocks of masonry (since removed 
to build the Bey's Konak in two neighbouring 
villages), and the remains of a conduit constructed of 
tiles. Here also had been lately discovered a bronze 
figurine answering to the description of one that I 
subsequently saw in the possession of a merchant 
at Uskiip. It represented a very late Roman type of 
Mercury with wings on his heels, and apparently 
growing out of his head. In his left arm he held 
an infant Faun with long pointed ears, and in his 
right hand a broken caduceus. In the Turkish 
graveyard, outside Hadzalar, I observed a large 
block which proved to be an altar dedicated to 



Fig. 4'J. 

110 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

Hercules Conservator, much defaced however, as the annexed illustration will 
show (fig. 49). 

Above Hadzalar opens a glen leading to the village of Tekinoselo, where is a 
Teke or shrine kept by a Dervish, containing a stone pillar which is the object 
of a singular cult. I will reserve, however, an account of the mysteries at which 
I here assisted for another occasion, as they have not the same classic associations 
as those of Ibrahimovce. 

From Ibrahimovce the course of the Roman road answers approximately to 
that of the present highway to Kaplan Khan. To the left, the road skirts a long 
sedgy pool known as Jezero or the Lake, more anciently the lake of Jelatno, the 
haunt of innumerable pelicans and wild ducks, and thence crosses a low neck of 
land, where the terrace of the Roman Way is distinctly visible, to the valley of 
the Pcinja. On the right bank of the stream, about half-an-hour above, is a spot 
called Illidze or Banja, where are some hot sulphur baths much frequented by the 
natives. The bath-house is a rude shelter surrounding a square open basin well- 
formed of four gradations of stone steps descending to a flat bottom, and thus 
resembling on a smaller scale the newly-discovered Roman bath at Bath. Above 
this bath-house, on the top of a rocky eminence largely composed of a sulphurous 
deposit, is a smaller square pool cut out of the rock and fed by a channel from a 
square cistern also cut out of the rock, presenting every appearance of Roman 
antiquity. The temperature of the water is here 105 Pahr. Above this again is 
another covered Turkish bath of more tepid water, and near it the remains of an 
ancient quarry with the ends of shafts of columns still in situ, showing that they 
were cut out of the rock into their round form before being detached from the 
stone matrix. Below were some modern quarries which had been worked, at the 
time the Macedonian railway was made, by Italian workmen, but which were 
wholly distinct from the ancient cuttings. Along the top of the ridge on which 
the baths and quarry lie was the very distinct track of an old road leading in the 
direction of Kaplan, with the wheel marks furrowed into the rock, reminding one 
of a street of Pompeii. There is thus distinct evidence that both the stone- 
quarries and thermal springs of Banja were known to the Romans, and I have no 
doubt that its site answers to the Bath Station marked on the Tabula Peutingeriana 
as the first after Scupi on the Thessalonica road. 

It will be convenient to reserve my observations on the highland angle 
between the Pcinja and the Yardar and the ancient remains associated with the 
suggestive names of Taor and Bader till I come to discuss the birth-place of 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyrwwn. 


Justinian and the sites of Tauresium and Bederiana. I will therefore proceed at 
once to pass in brief review the inscriptions that I have been able to collect on the 
actual site of the ancient Scupi and the sur- 
rounding district, included as we may legiti- 
mately infer in the municipal Ager. 

Of inscriptions referring to the constitu- 
tion, magistrates, and hierarchy of the Roman 
colony I have collected nine in all, including 
the altar already described referring to a local 
Duumvir, apparently an Augustal, and giving 
Scupi the title of COLONIA. This title and the 
name of the city reappear on the inscription 
(fig. 50) discovered near Hassanbeg." 

From the name Ulpius occurring on this 
monument, coupled with the fact that an 
Ulpia Marcia appears on another stone from 
the neighbourhood, we might be tempted to 
suppose that the Colony itself dated back to 
Trajan's time. From the title AELIA however 
applied to Scupi on an inscription at Rome, b 
it would appear that the town was first made 
a Roman Colony in the time of his succes- 
sor, Hadrian. It is to Hadrian's reign there- 
fore, or shortly after that time, that we must 
refer the following remarkable inscription 
(fig. 51, see p. 90) from Kuceviste, erected to 
the memory of a Veteran of the Seventh 
Legion, who appears to have been one of the 
original colonists. Fi g . 50. 

a See p. 102. 

DOCTOR . COH . I . / PR . PV . SOMNIO . ADMO / NITVS . POSVIT . r, . L. 

In Kellerman, Vigil. Bom. No. 119. 

" D ;M 




Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


f. E RON I 




Fig. 51. 

0,. PETEONIUS . Marci lilius sckptia (sc. tribu) RVFVS vEieranus lEGionis vn 
claudiae piae velicis DBDVOTICIVS "titulum Fieri lussit. 

The stone would be remarkable if only from the fine execution of the inscrip- 
tion and from the arabesque design of the frieze which almost savours of Italian 
Renascence. The epithet DEDVOTICIVS applied to this Veteran is new to the Latin 
vocabulary, but on the analogy of similar forms like dediticius=one belonging to 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


the class of dediti, missicius=oi the missi, translaticim=\)elongwg to the translati, 
can only be taken as meaning that he was one of the deducti or of the Veterans 
originally " deduced " to form the Colonia. On another monument (fig. 52) from 
Brazda, there appears mention of a Miles deductus of the same legion, and both 
this and the preceding are of value as revealing the name of the tribe to which the 
Colony belonged, namely, the Scaptian. 

Fig. 53 from Nekistan, also appears to contain the word [CJoLONm. 








Fig. 52. 

Of the highest civic interest is the following inscription (fig. 54) from the 
church at Kuceviste" (see p. 90), which from the style of the letters and general 
execution can not well be later than the second century of our era. 

a A mutilated and blundered version of this inscription was communicated by " a Belgrade 
professor " to M. Engelhardt and published by him in the Revue Archeologique, vol. xxvi. p. 137, 
from which it has been copied into the Ephemeris Epigra/phica, vol. ii. p. 497. It is strange that 
there should have been any difficulty about this clear and beautifully-cut inscription. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

D * M 









X/*^ 7TI1 .kT^TC*^^ A^'^'V^^^A 

f^ v i ii \** \ r* *o ^^j\^v^ 

1 ^^"^ ^ L i 

Fig. 54. 

D . M. 


cvi OEDO ooLoniae sovvensis ONORES A$viLitatis ET DEOVEIONATUS 


Here, there can be no doubt, that by an error not uncommon on sepulchral 
tituli the name of the Sextus Caelidius Secundus to whom the monument was 
erected is placed in the nominative instead of the dative case. The female form 
of the name, Ccelidia Secunda, occurs in another Scupese inscription discovered at 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyrictim. 






Zlokucani," the name of AVEA or AVRHA is found on three Italian tombs. b This 
inscription is not only interesting as bringing Scupi into intimate and amicable 
connexion with the great Macedonian staple 
of the lower Axios, the Colony of Stobi, but 
as informing us for the first time that it was 
to the ^Emilian tribe that Stobi belonged. 
The most remarkable feature however in this 
monument is the decree it records of the 
Ordo Colonise Scupensis, conferring the hono- 
rary distinction of the ^dileship and mem- 
bership in the local Senate on a youth who 
died at the premature age of eighteen. It 
appears probable that in this case" the titles 
belonged to the " sepulchri supervacuos honor es" 
of a kind specially frequent ( it would seem, 
in the Macedonian province. On monuments 
found at Drama, near Philippi, 3 the " orna- 
menta decurionalia " are found conferred on 
mere children of five and six years of age. 
The mention of the name of Scupi on this and 
two of the preceding inscriptions (figs. 48 
and 50) will sufficiently refute those geogra- 
phers who, like Professor Tomaschek, would 
transport the ancient Scupi from the banks of 
the Yardar and the vicinity of Uskiip to some 
as yet undiscovered Roman site in the valley 
of the Bulgarian Morava. 

The most interesting historic monument 
however of Roman Scupi (fig. 55) remains to 

tt D . M / CAELIDIA . SE / CVNDA . VIX . AN L / H . S . E . CL / HEECVLANVS MA / EITVS B . M . P . . Given 

in Eph. Ep. vol. ii. 498. 

b C. I. L. v. 5963, NVMMIA AVEHA, of Canusium ; ix. 395, ATILIA AVEA, at Milan ; x. 2438, MABCIA 
AVEA, at Naples. 

c See Mommsen, Eph. Ep. loc. cit. ; and cf . C. I. L. v. 1892, where in the case of the ornamenta 
duoviralia he observes : " Ornamenta duoviralia cum non soleant concedi vivo nisi ei qui per legem 
duovir fieri non possit, crediderim et hie et in aliis similibus (ut Henzen 7172), ubi ingenuis ea 
tribuuntur, significari ornamenta post mortem decreta, sepulturce causa." 

d C. I. L. iii. 649, 659. 



116 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

be described. This is the broken slab found by me on the steep of Davina (see 
p. 92) containing the following remarkable dedication to the Emperor Gallienus 
by the local Commonwealth. 

/NVICTO mweratori ~Pio ~Felici (TALLIENO AvGusto, 


Ees fublica. 

From the form of the slab (which is about five feet high), it may be assumed 
that it formed part of the basis of a statue of the Emperor himself, 8 and a historical 
record has been preserved to us which supplies at least a probable occasion for the 
erection of such a monument by the citizens of Scupi. The reign of Gallienus was 
one of the darkest periods in the history of the Illyrian provinces under the Roman 
Empire. It was at this time that Trajan's Dacia was virtually lost, b though a 
formal recognition of the fact was postponed to the time of Aurelian. Thrace, Mace- 
donia, Thessaly, Achaia, and Epirus were over-run by the Goths, while the Sarma- 
tian hordes, after devastating the Pannonias in conjunction with the Quadi in, or 
shortly after, 258 A.D. extended their ravages to the neighbouring Moesian province. 
From a letter of Claudius, afterwards of Gothic fame, to Regalian, then " Dux 
Illyrici," it appears that Gallienus' lieutenant had gained a victory, or rather a 
series of victories in a single day, over the Sarmatians under the walls of Scupi. 
" I have learnt," says Claudius in this epistle, " what you have shown yourself to be 
in the fight at Scupi, of the number of your conflicts in a single day, and of the speed 
with which you brought them to a successful issue." Claudius begs him to send 
him of the spoil some Sarmatian bows and a couple of cloaks with their fibulas 
attached, the Sarmatian fibula being then highly prized in the Roman Empire. 
He warns Regalian however, in cautious language, to be careful with his victories 
as more likely under such a prince to lead to the scaffold than to a triumph. d 

* Compare for the abbreviated character of the lines the almost contemporary inscription on a 
six-sided base of a statue of Marsyas erected PEG SA / LTTE / ET IN / COLV / MITA /TE D D/N N VA / LEKIA / 
NIET/GALLI/ENI/AVGG &c. at Verecunda in the Province of Numidia (C. I. L. viii. 4219). The whole 
inscription in this latter case extended over three sides of the base containing severally twelve, 
fourteen, and eight lines. 

b Sextus Rufus, in Brev. " Dacia Gallieno imperatore amissa est." For Aurelian's Dacia cf. 
Fl. Vopiscus, 39, from whom Eutropius (ix. 15) copies. Mcesia is described as " deperdita " at this 

c "Fusco (lege Tusco) et Basso Consulibus " the date of Ingenims' revolt {Treb. Poll, xxx 
Tyranni. 8), which was caused by the imminence of this Saz-matian invasion. 

d Treb. Pollio. Triginta Tyranni ix. " Claudius Regilliano (sic) multam salutem. Felicem 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 117 

This victory, as gained under the auspices of Gallienus, would in official acts 
be ascribed to his name, and in the triumph which he celebrated at Borne, on the 
occasion of his decennalia in 263, we find Sarmatian captives, real or pretended, 
led amongst the others. There were, moreover, special reasons why the citizens 
of Scupi, then with the other Dardanian cities included in Upper Moesia, should 
seek to court Gallienus' favour. The inhabitants of Moesia had just received a 
fearful lesson of the Emperor's ferocity in the massacres and execiitions consequent 
on the abortive elevation of Ingenuus to the purple by the provincial legionaries. 
Gallienus, roused on this occasion from his habitual apathy, had fallen with fury 
on Ingenuus' supporters, and, having defeated the usurper, "wreaked a savage 
vengeance not only on the Moesian soldiers but on the citizens at large." In 
some cities, we are told," the whole male population was exterminated, and it was 
on this occasion that Gallienus addressed to his lieutenant Verianus a letter 
unsurpassed in any age for bloodthirsty ferocity." The outcome of these cruelties 
was that the Moesians in despair proclaimed Regalianus, whose victory over the 
Sarmatians had proved his capacity, and whose Dacian parentage and alleged 
descent from Decebalus himself apparently appealed to some still not wholly 
unextinguished feeling of Dacian nationality in the Illyrian Provinces, a feeling to 
which Galerius a seems to have had recourse at a later date. Such, however, had 
been the impression produced by Gallienus' savagery, that on the initiative of the 
Roxalanian allies, but with the consent of the soldiers and provincials who feared 

Eempublicam quse te talem virum habere rei castrensis bellis his meruit, felicem Gallienum, etiamsi 
ei vera nemo nee de bonis, nee de malis nuiitiat. Pertulerunt ad me Bonitus et Celsus stipatores 
Principle nostri quails apud Scupos in pugnando fueris quot uno die prselia et qua celeritate 
confeceris. Dignus eras triumpho si antiqua tempora exstarent. Sed quid multa H Memor 
cujusdam ominis cautius velim vincas. Arcus Sarmaticos et duo saga ad me velim mittas, sed 
fibulatoria, cum ipse miserim de nostris." The "omen" referred to was no doubt the fate of 

a Treb. Pollio. Triginta Tyranni, viii. " In omnes Mcesiacos, tarn milites quam cives, asperrime 
sseviit, nee quemquam sure crudelitatis exsortem reliquit: usque adeo asper et truculentus ut 
plerasque civitates vacuas a virili sexu relinqueret." 

b Ib. " Perimendus est omnis sexus virilis, si et senes atque impuberes sine reprehensione nostra 
occidi possent. Occidendus est quicumque male voluit, occidendus est quicumque male dixit contra 
me, contra Valerian! filium, contra tot principum patrem et fratrem. Ingenuus factus est imperator. 

Lacera, occide, concide." 

Treb. Poll. Triginta Tyranni, ix. " Gentis Daeise, Decebali ipsius ut fertur affinis." 

d Cf. Lactantius de M&rtibus Persecutwum C. xxvii. " Olim quidem ille, ut nomen Imperatoris 

acceperat, hostem se Romani nominis erat professus, cujus titulum immutari volebat ut non Eo- 

manum imperium sed Daciscum cognominaretur." 

118 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

new scenes of sanguinary vengeance, the usurper was slain by his own supporters. 
It will be seen that there were sufficient reasons why the inhabitants of Scupi 
should erect an adulatory monument to Gallienus, and it seems natural to connect 
this inscription Avith the historic victory achieved by Gallienus' lieutenant under the 
walls of their city and with the civil troubles of which this barbarian repulse was 
the prelude. In 267, after his residence in Greece, we find Gallienus himself 
o-aining a victory over the Goths in Illyricum, but the scene of the combat is not 
given, nor have we any historic ground for connecting it with Scupi, though it is 
always possible that the Emperor in returning to the West may have passed 
through this city. 

The elaborate and superlative adulation of the inscription before us reminds 
us somewhat of that on the Arch of Gallienus at Rome : b 


where the strangely misplaced compliments to a prince whose inert and unfilial 
conduct was notorious read like a satire. In the present case the comparison of 
Gallienus with the Gods "both in soul and countenance" is quite in harmony with 
the numismatic records of this reign, where the Emperor appears with the 
alternate attributes of Mars, Hercules, and Mercury. He seems, however, to 
have regarded himself as in some special way under the protection of Apollo, 
whether under the refined Hellenic aspect of the God as patron of the arts in 
which Gallienus himself, even on his detractors' showing, 3 was allowed to excel, 
or in a more mysterious Oriental character as the Unconquered Mithra or the 

a The revolt of Regalianus appears to have taken place about the date of Gallienus' Decennalia, 
A.D. 263. Cf. Clinton Fasti Eomani; ad annum. 
C. I. L. vi. 1106. 
c The language of the present inscription recalls the lines of Calpurnius (Eel. IV.) 

" In uno 

Et Martis vultus et Apollinis esse notatur." 

The flattering comparison of Calpurnius is, however, addressed, as Moriz Haupt has conclusively 
shown (De Carminibus bucolicis Calpurnii et Neinesiani), to Nero and not, as earlier commentators 
supposed, to Carinus or Gallienus himself. 

1 Treb. Pollio. Duo Gallieni. " Fuit enim Gallienus (quod negari non potest) oratione, poemate, 
atque omnibus artibus clarus. Hujus est illud epithalamium quod inter centum poetas prascipuum 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwm. 


Bdessan God Azizus," the warlike slayer of the Python. The colossal and never 
to be completed statue which G-allienus had designed to erect to himself on the 
summit of the Esquiline b represented the Emperor in the guise of the Sun-god, 
nor shall we be thought hypercritical if we find in the dedication before us, 
beginning as it does INVICTO, a hint as to the character of the divinity with whose 
attributes the Emperor would be invested in the statue which probably surmounted 
the inscribed base. On the reverse of coins of G-allienus the inscription INVICTVS, 
INVICTO AUG. surrounds the image of the radiated Sun-god; on a coin of Carausius 
the Emperor's head is conjugated with the rayed head of Mithra, and with the 
inscription INVICTO ET CARAVSIO AVG. and according to the usage of the times this 
epithet had acquired a too specialized religious meaning, as associated with the 
Persian cult, to be without at least an allusive significance when added to the title 







1 ' 

Fig. 56. 

11 Thus we find the Prsefectus of the 5th Macedonian Legion at Potaissa in Daeia erecting a 
votive altar to Azizus " Bonus Puer Conservator " for the health of Valerian and Gallienus. C. I. L 
III. 875. Julian Or. IV. mentions the worship of Azizus at Edessa in conjunction with that of the 
Sun, and notices that Jamblichus identifies this god with Ares. From inscriptions found at Apulum, 
however, as Mommsen has pointed out, Azizus is seen to be the equivalent of Apollo Pythias. See 

C. I. L. III. 1133. 

b Treb. Pollio. Qallieni Duo : " Statuam sibi majorem colosso fieri proecepit, Solis habitu, sed ea 
imperfecta periit . . . Poni autem illam voluerat in summo Esquiliarum monte, ita ut hastam 
teneret, per cujus caput infans ad summum posset ascendere. Sed et Claudio et Aureliano deinceps 
stulta res visa est, &c." 

c In my father's cabinet : unpublished. 

120 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

of an Emperor who reigned in the latter half of the third century and who had 
himself in a special way assumed the Sun-god's attributes. 

From the monument erected by the Respublica Scupensis to this imperial 
" compeer of the Gods " we may pass to those which illustrate the local cult of the 
Gods themselves. To the two inscriptions (figs. 48, 50) already given referring 
to the College of the Augustales' I may add the following (fig. 56) excavated by 
me on the actual site of Scupi (see p. 87). 

Besides this altar, dedicated DIS ET DEABTTS, votive monuments to Jove and 
Hercules, as well as a bronze statuette of Mercury, have been already mentioned. 
The fragment (fig. 57) presenting part of the Greek inscription, with letters of a 
form not uncommon on Macedonian momiments, found in modern Uskiip (see 
p. 101), probably formed part of an altar of Zeus, as may be gathered from its 
having an eagle relief on its side. 

The fragmentary dedication (fig. 58) found by me in the ruined Church of 
Ljubanze is of a more enigmatic character. 

That the abbreviated FLL in the third line stands for Flamines may be gathered 

from other examples. The God whose name begins with ZE however is not 

so clear. The initial letter is rather suggestive of a Thracian connexion. There 
exists a Thracian Asclepius Zimidrenus." 

To these may be added the altar of Silvanus (fig. 59) near the Musta Mosque 
in tiskiip itself (see p. 101). 

Of imperial records, with the exception of the monument to Gallienus and the 
two fragmentary milestones already given, I found nothing more than the 
imperfect votive dedication to Septimius Severus and Caracalla which still exists 
where Ami Boue first observed it, walled into the Byzantine Aqueduct. 15 Of 
military inscriptions referring to the LEGIO vn OLAVDIA PIA FIDELIS there was an 
abundance. Four have been already given, two of these being of considerable 
interest as showing that the veterans to whom they severally referred as 
"deductus" or " deducticius " had been amongst those led hither to form the 
original colony. A monument of a Miles Frumentarius of this legion from 
Bardovce (see p. 88), is interesting from the well-preserved relief which it 
presents of a soldier standing between a veiled and seated female figure and a boy 

a Cf. C. I. L. vi. 2385. 

b Ami Boue, Turquie d' Europe, 2, 354 ; C. I. L. iii. 1696 ; PRO SALVfe ' i'mp. Goes. L. septimi 
severi fertinacis Aug. Arab. / ADIAB. ront. Max. . . . / M. AVEELI Antonini caes. . . . The A of 
emct is clear. 
Two from the neighbouring Markova Rjeka district (Figs. 43, 46). 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 



w ,^> 

S<~> >b 


-= > cu 

r :. 

9^ O 


> 5 









Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

or Genius carrying in his right hand a kind of chest, such as not infrequently 
occurs on tombs, and in the left what appears to be a conventional representation 

of ears of corn, doubtless in allusion to the soldier's 
office." The Milites Frumentarii were enrolled 
amongst the Peregrini, who had their Gastra on 
the Ccelian, at Rome, and who were a kind of 
imperial gendarmerie. 11 The Frumentarii them- 
selves, from being originally connected with the 
collection of the Annona, were found useful by the 
Emperors for obtaining secret information regard- 
ing provincial affairs, and hence grew into a kind 
of spy service. Though abolished by Diocletian 
their hateful functions continued to be fulfilled by 
the Agentes in rebus of his successors. 

The next military titulus, which I observed at 
Mirkovce in two pieces is, unfortunately, too frag- 
mentary to admit of complete restitution. It is 
evident, however, that it refers to a certain C. 
Julius Longinus, a veteran of the same (seventh) 
legion, who had received his missio honesta. It may 
be suggested that DARD in the fifth line of the second 
fragment refers to an Ala Dardanorum. An Ala 
Vespasiana Dardanorum is referred to in three mili- 
tary diplomas d relating to Lower Moesia. From 
the imposing character of the letters and the size 
of the monument it may be inferred that the 
officer commemorated was of some distinction. The 
inscription belonged to a good period. 
The last legionary monument to which I have to call attention from this 

A copy of the inscription sent by the Austrian Consul Lippich was published by Dr. Friedrich 
Kenner (Sitzungsberichte d. It. Akademie d. Wissensch. vol. 80, p. 275, and see Epli. Ep. vol. iv.), but the 
relief is inaccurately described. In Dr. Kenner 's version, line 6, OBVLCIIA. 

b See Henzen, Sui militi peregrini e frumentarii, in Bullettino dell' institute di Gorr. Archeologica, 
1851, p. 113 seqq. 

c Aurelius Victor, De Ccess. 39, speaking of Diocletian, says : remoto pestilenti frumentariorum 
genere quorum nunc agentes in rebus simillimi sunt. 

4 C. I. L. iii. D. xx. xxii. xxxiv. 





I'ig. 60. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


district relates to a Cornicularius of the same seventh legion and records a 
testamentary disposition of the deceased. 

fAN\JLX : 



D - 










Fig. 62. 

D. M 

Fig. 61. 





" Prcecipere testamento " is a well-known law-term signifying, of legatees, " to 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyriciim. 



Fig. 63. 

receive in advance," before the rest of the 
property bequeathed is divided.* In the pre- 
sent case this advance seems to have been 
conditional on the execution of some pious 
work, of which however, owing to an unfor- 
tunate lacuna in the stone, we only learn that 
it was completed on the Ides of August, in the 
consulship of Crispinus b and ^Elianus (A.D. 
187), under the rule therefore of Commodus. 

The head-quarters of the Legio VII. Claudia 
Pia Fidelis were at Viminacium (Kostolac on 
the Danube), and on the coins and monuments' 
of this Mcesian city the local Genius is asso- 
ciated with the bull, which was the symbol of 
the seventh legion. From the inscriptions, 
figs. 51, 52, it appears that the original colony 
of Scupi was formed of veterans of this legion. 
At the beginning of the third century Dion 
Cassius d mentions "the seventh, generally called 
the Claudian," in Upper Moesia, and their Prce- 
fectura was still at Viminacium at the time 
when the Notitia was drawn up. 8 

This legion was stationed in Dalmatia pre- 
vious to Vespasian's withdrawal of the legions 
from that province/ On an inscription at 

a Of. Forcellini Lexicon (Ed. De Vit), s. v. Prreceptio. " Per prseceptionen dare, legare, relin- 
quere, est ita dare ut percipiatur ante quam tota hereditas dividatur et paries aliis coheredibus 
distribuantur." Julian, Dig. 30, 122, " Si heres centum prsecipere jussus sit." 

b In 184 ^Elianus had been consul in conjunction with Marullus. The name of Crispinus 
however squares better with the letter-space at our disposal, which has been very accurately 
observed throughout this inscription. 

c Cf. especially a bas-relief of the Genius of Viminacium represented as a stoled female figure 
with her right hand on the bull of the 7th, Claudian, Legion, and her left on the lion, which here 
stands for the 4th Legion (figured by Kanitz, Beitrage zur Alterthumskunde der serbischen Donau, 
in Mitth. d. Central. Comm. 1867, 28 seqq.) The same device is common on the coins of this city. 

d Lib. iv. C. 23 : " Kai 'i/Ho/iot ol iv rg yivaif ry avia ot TCI fidXtffra KXavSidoi wvo/ja?arai." 

e " Prefectures Leg. vii. Claudise Viminacio." 

1 Mommsen, C. I. L. iii. 272. Cf. Inscriptions at Narona (1813, 1814, 1818), Salona (2014, 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 125 

JVaissus* (Nish) this Claudian legion receives the additional title Severiana, a 
title also born by the fourth Claudian legion stationed at Singidunum. 

Of the private inscriptions, of which I have collected a considerable number 
(see PI. I. II. III.) the following (fig. 63) from Neresi (see p. 97) is specially 
interesting, as presenting us with a Thracian name-form with its Roman equivalent : 

ois - Manibus / /// MAXI / MVS - VIXIT / AN - L - nic 
Sepultus Est/VALerius EVPOE/QUI BT 

ET SEEVEtf^ ? //// / VIVE B 

Faciendum Curaverunt. 

The name EVPOR which presents obvious analogies with other Thracian names 
such as Mucapor, Sempor, Dindiporis, b and Bithoporus King of the Costoboci, occurs 
as a widely diffused Thracian name. c The present formula VAL . EVPOE QVI ET 
MAXIMVS is interesting as giving the Roman name " Maximus " as an alternative 
form for the more barbaric "Eupor." This formula answers to that of other 
inscriptions in which indigenous Thracian and Illyrian names occur, and notably 
to the case of the remarkable Thracian inscription found by Heuzey d at Drama, 
near Philippi, beginning : BITHVS . TAVZIGIS . FILUIS . QVI . ET MAOEE . AN . LX . TAVZIES . 


The name Bupor under the Hellenized form Euporos, to be distinguished from 
the not infrequent Hellenic name EupSros, occurs on the annexed inscription 
which I observed at Salonica, where it had been recently discovered, together 
with figs. 65 and 66, which, as also unpublished, I here place beside it. 

In this connexion I may mention that I also noticed at Salonica, in the court 
of the Konak, the following inscription (fig. 67), interesting both from the reliefs it 

2019, 2040, 2033, 2048, 2071), at Tilurium (Gardun), (2709, 2710, 2714, 2716, 2717), where Mommsen 
fixes their Prsetorium, at Nedinum (2882), and at Jader (2908, 2913). Detachments of this Legion 
are found serving in Syria and Asia. 

C. I. L. iii. 1676. 

b Bithynian, C. I. G. 3795 ; cf. Tomaschek, Brumalia, Sfc. p. 386, for this and other instances. 
Tomaschek also compares names like Rascupolis, Abrnpolis. 

The name occurs in Dalmatia, Italy, and other parts of the Empire. 

d Eevue Archeologique, VI. Annee (1865), p. 451. Tomaschek, op. cit. p. 392, cites other instances, 


MAEzeius (Dalmatian), &c. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

represents and the Thracian names it contains, and which was not improbably 
brought to that city along with other inscriptions a from the Thracian borders. 

D <3 M 











Fig. 64. 

Fig. 66. 

a I was informed that some had been lately thus transported to Salonica from Zlokucani. 
Others have in the same way been removed by the Turkish authorities from Bardovce. Monuments 
with sculpture are more especially sought for by the Turkish authorities as they are thought to have 
a monetary value. No pains are taken in such cases to preserve a record of the locality where the 
monuments were found. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


The occurrence in the epigraphic records of the district of Thracian name- 
forms on the one hand, and Illyrian such as the form Gatties already mentioned 
(p. 99), and perhaps also the God Andinus (p. 
74) on the other, is quite consistent with what 
we gather from other sources as to the ethno- 
graphy of the ancient Dardania. That the 
European Dardani were originally one and the 
same people as their Trojan namesakes, agrees 
with what we learn from ancient writers as to 
the Thracian descent of so many Asianic tribes. 
On the other hand the early names of the 
Dardanian princes in Europe, such as Mon- 
unios, Longaros, and Bato, a present un- 
questionable Illyrian affinities. The same 
intermixture of the Illyrian and Thracian ele- 
ments, of which the births of Justin the 
Thracian and Justinian on Dardanian soil are 
conspicuous examples, results from a com- 
parison of the local names of Justinian's 
castles in Dardania supplied by Procopius. On 
the whole, however, on comparing the names b 
supplied by the inscriptions from this district, 
we are struck with the evidence they supply 
of its thoroughgoing Romanization. Of Greek 

inscriptions from Scupi and its vicinity I am able to supply but two (figs. 57, 79), 
though names of Greek origin are not infrequent. 

Amongst other private inscriptions of interest may be mentioned the concluding 
part of an elegiac epitaph to a local Nestor. 


Fig. 67. 

Cf. Tomasehek, Zur Kunde der Hcemus-Halbinsel (Sitzungsb. d. k. Akad. d. W. 1881. H. 2, 
p. 446.) 

b A Dardanian with the Illyrian name Epicadus is mentioned on an inscription at Rome C. I. L. 
VI. 2845. 

c Cf. also the uncertain fragment from Taor (p. 145) and the later Byzantine inscription on the 
walls of Skopia. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


p- 4 v A * ^^^ * ^^ ^ -^ 


Fig. 68. 



In another case (fig. 69) a citizen of Methymna in Lesbos is mentioned, who 
died at Scupi at the mature age of eighty. Of unquestionably Christian inscrip- 
tions I am only able to describe one (fig. 88). It is engraved in a late and quasi 
cursive style on a tile which my wife picked up on the actual Acropolis of Scupi. 

There is, indeed, ample evidence that under the Christian Emperors Scupi 
retained its importance. When, in accordance with the new division of the 
Empire, Dardania a had again been detached from Upper Moesia, Scupi became 
the chief civil and ecclesiastical Metropolis of the newly constituted Dardanian 
Province. A Bishop of Scupi " is the first-mentioned of the two Dardanian 
Bishops who attended the Council of Serdica in 347 A.D. In 379, the year in which 
Theodosius expelled the Goths from Thrace, we find him dating a law from this 
city, and again in 388. d Ten years later, St. Paulinus of Nola, mentions Scupi 
among the important Illyrian cities that St. Nicetas, of Remesiana, would visit on 
his return from Italy to his Dacian See." On the Tabula Peutingeriana Scupi is 

* Less the part which was now incorporated in Dacia Hediterranea. Naissus itself had been 
included in the older and more extensive Dardania by Ptolemy. 

b " Paregorius a Dardania de Scnpis " : the other Dardanian Bishop who attended this council 
was Macedonius of Ulpiana. Mansi, Cone. 

c Cod. Theod. De Palatinis 1. 2, dated " Scopis." 

11 Cod. Theod. De Decurionibus 1. 119, dated " Scupis.' 

e S. Paulini Nolensis C. xxx : De reditu Nicetos Episcopi in Daciam : see p. 163 seqq. 

^ -^rr,,, A 

^^^^^^^^^^ B ^*^^^^MB*B^^B^^i 

vst-L- Do. 



Fig. fi9. 






,._ _J-V 


Fig. 70. 






Fig. 71. Fig. 72. 





' \ 




ANN # 







Pig. 76. 


L V 








Pig. 78. 

Fig. 77. 




Fig. 79. 









Fig. 83. 



cr 1 

Fig. 80. 




Fig. 84. 

D M 




H S E 


Fig. 82. 

Fig. 86. 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

indicated by the two towers of a Praetorian gate, and the continued importance of 
this city as a place of arms appears from the Notitia Imperil, when the " Comi- 

Fig. 88. 

tatenses Scupenses " are mentioned among the Legiones Pseudocomitatenses under 
the command of the Magister Militum per Illyricum." 

It was natural that Scupi along with the other cities of this Illyrian region 
should have suffered from the barbarian ravages so eloquently described by Saint 
Jerome, and which culminated in the days of Attila. About the year 480 we find 
Zeno's lieutenant, Adamantius, exhorting Theodoric to forego his claims on Epirus, 
as it was intolerable that the inhabitants of its large cities should be turned out to 
make room for the Gothic host, but " to turn rather to Dardania where there was 

* Not. Orientis IX. The Ulpianenses and Mer(i)enses are also mentioned; the names of which 
connect them with the Dardanian towns of Ulpiana and Merion. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 133 

land in plenty besides that already inhabited, both fair and fertile, but lacking 
both inhabitants and cultivation. " a The Ostrogoths turned towards Italy and the 
Dardanian wastes were left awhile without barbarian tillers. To the last, how- 
ever, the old Dardanian capital maintained its supremacy both lay and spiritual, 
and the Church of Scupi continued with other Dardanian Churches to play its part 
in the ecclesiastical disputes of the time. The Roman element in Dardania seems 
at this time to have headed the conservative reaction of the Latin-speaking parts 
of the Illyrian peninsula against the semi-Greek administration of Byzantium, 
and the Dardanian Bishops on more than one occasion won praise from the repre- 
sentatives of St. Peter for their loyal adherence to Western orthodoxy and the 
See of Rome. In 492 the "Catholic" Dardanian Bishops, and at their head 
Johannes, " Bishop of the most sacred Metropolitan Church of Scupi, b addressed a 
letter in this sense to Pope Grelasius, and were complimented by the Pope in 
return ; c while in 516 Pope Hormisdas in his letter to Avitus, Bishop of Vienne, 
expresses his joy that the Dardanian and other Illyrian churches sought bishops of 
his nomination. 15 The " Illyrician " soldiers took the same side, and in the revolt 
of the Moesian rebel Vitalianus, against the Emperor Anastasius, the " Catholic 
soldiery " of Serdica and Pautalia were conspicuous for their fidelity to the Latin 
cause. 6 Meanwhile, however, though barbarian colonists had not yet settled down 
en masse to till the waste-lands of Dardania, barbarian marauders continued the 
work of devastation, and a more awful natural catastrophe was impending over the 
devoted land. The Illyrian chronicler, Marcellinus Comes/ writing of the earth- 
quake which in 518 destroyed so many Dardanian cities and strongholds, 8 mentions 
that the inhabitants of Scupi owed their escape from entombment in the ruins to 
the fact that they were then in the act of flying from their city owing to the scare 
of some barbarian invasion. The walls of Scupi, as we see from this last incident, 
had already ceased to be a protection to the citizens ; the whole town was now 
reduced by the earthquake to a heap of ruins. 

a Excffrpta e Malchi Historia. (Ed. Bonn, p. 255). 

b " Johannes Episcopus Sacrosanct Ecclesiaa Scopinee, Metropolitanee." Mansi. viii. 13. 

c " Gelasius Episcopis per Dardaniam sive per Illyricum constitutis Audientes 

orthodoxam vestrae dilectionis in Christo constantiam." Mansi viii. 46. 

d Mansi viii. 408. 

' e Marcellinns, in Chron : Anastasius was constrained to send back the Bishops of Naissns 
and Pautalia, ob metum Illyriciani Catholici militis. Prof. Tomaschek rightly, I think, connects the 
Roman and Italian sympathies of the Illyrian church and army with the prevalence of the Latin 
tongue in the interior of the peninsula. 

f In Chron. sub anno. g See p. 89. 

134 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum,. 

The old Scupi was thus destroyed, but the historic continuity of the Dardanian 
Metropolis lived on, and it is to this period that we must refer its migration from 
the old site to the new. The old position of Scupi with its broad plain and the 
undulating hill of the upper city answered to the possibilities of a civilised age. 
The original Illyrian watch-station on the height of Zlokucani had been merged 
in the ampler city of the plain below by a race whose engineering capacities had 
enabled them to trust to artificial bulwarks. But the character of the times had 
changed once more. Throughout Illyricum the age of castle building had begun, 
and strong natural positions, the peak and the promontory, were sought once more 
for civic foundations. It was natural that those who, about Justinian's time, 
rebuilt the ancient city and we have historic evidence that it was at this period 
that the need for its complete reconstruction first arose should give the prefer- 
ence to a loftier and more defensible position than was the original site of the 
Roman town. And such a position was supplied in the actual vicinity of the 
ancient site by the more craggy height rising sheer above the Vardar, the height 
still capped by the Byzantine Akropolis of the modern Skopia. 

There are strong grounds, I say, for assuming that this municipal migration 
should be referred to the period succeeding the great overthrow of 518. Nine 
years after that event Justinian succeeded to the Empire, and there is thus an 
overwhelming a priori presumption that the rebuilding of Scupi, at least as a 
military bulwark, must connect itself with the general reconstruction and restora- 
tion of his provincial towns and fortresses by the great Illyrian Emperor. "We 
thus approach the question "Was this the chosen City of the Emperor himself ? 
"Was this the City of the land of his birth which Justinian not only restored and 
embellished, but made the capital, both civil and ecclesiastical, of his reconstituted 
Illyricum, and named after himself Justiniana Prima? 

As the whole question has lately been reopened it will be well to review the 
literary sources at our disposal. Procopius tells us that, " amongst the Dardanians 
who dwell beyond the borders of the Epidamnians, very near the castle called 
Bederiane, is the district named Tauresium, from which the Emperor Justinian, 
the re-founder of the Eoman world, drew his origin. Here the Emperor erected a 
small quadrangular castle with a tower at each angle, from which it was called 
" Tetrapyrgia," and near it he built a most glorious City, which he called Jus- 
tiniana Prima ("Prima" means "first" in the Latin language), thus offering 
maintenance to his nursing mother."" Procopius further tells us that he made an 

a De JTjd, IV. 1. " tv Aapddvoig TTQV rolf EiyjwTraioTg, ol o// /ier<) ror 'KTTiCafiviwv vpovf (pKtjvrai, TOV ippovpiov 
a inrtp Becepiava iviKaXdrai, \iapiov Tavpi'iatov uvo/jia i/v, tv9ev lovariviaviif fiaoiXti'f 6 rrjs oiKovfiivije otKiarfig 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 135 

aqueduct there to supply the town with a perennial stream, and that he wrought 
many things that reflect glory and renown upon its founder. " It would 
not be easy," he continues, " to enumerate the the temples of the Gods, the 
palaces of the magistrates, the size of the porticoes, the beauty of the market- 
places, the fountains, streets, baths, and bazaars. In a word it is a great and 
populous City, in every respect prosperous and worthy to be the Metropolis of all 
that region. And such a dignity it has in fact attained. It is, moreover, the seat 
of the Archbishop of the Illyrians, and has precedence of the other cities in this as 
well as its size." 

Procopius, it will be seen, places Justiniana Prima in Dardania, and had we 
only his authority to deal with, there could be no reasonable gronnd for refusing 
to accept the identification of Skopia with Justinian's new foundation. In his 
own " Novella " of 535 A.D., however, defining the jurisdiction of the new Illyrian 
Archbishop," Justinian himself distinctly indicates that Justiniana Prima lay within 
the limits of Dacia Mediterranea, and as clearly shows that he regarded himself 
to be of Dacian origin. On the other hand, it might be urged that Procopius, 
whose antiquarian phraseology is noteworthy in this passage, 11 would have the autho- 
rity of Ptolemy for including Naissus, itself one of the principal cities of the later 
Dacia Mediterranea, within the Dardanian limits. This connexion of Justiniana 
Prima with Dacia Mediterranea siiggests a real difficulty, and the claims of Skopia 
have recently received another blow. Professor Tomaschek, of Gratz, to whose 
painstaking researches into the ancient topography of the peninsula all students, 

&pH>)Tai. TOVTO fttv ovv TO \iapiov iv jSpa^ei Tfi\iaafitvof Kara TO rerpaywvor ffX'l/* a Kat ywvi'y ixaary irvpyov ivdffitvos 
TiTfinrvpyiav tlval re Kat Ka\tia9a.i irnrotriKe. Hap' aiiTo dt ^aXiffra ro x< a p' ov iro\tv lirupavtaTdnir iSiifiaTO, ijvirep 
'lovffTiviavfiv uvo/iaae irpifiav (irniliTTi St TOVTO Ty AaTtviav Qiavy IvvaTai) TO.VTO. Ty 9pf^/afiivy Tpotyeia itcTiviav.' 

Novella Gonstit. ii. " Multis et variis modis nostram patriam augere cupientes, in qua primo 
Deus prsestitit nobis ad hunc mundum, quern ipse condidit, venire, et circa Sacerdotalem censuram 
earn volumus maximis increments ampliare, ut Primes Justinianaa patriee nostrse pro tempore 
sacrosanctus Antistes non solum Metropolitans sed etiam Archiepiscopus fiat, et ceeteroi provincire 
sub ejus sint auctoritate, id est tarn ipsa Dacia Mediterranea quam Dacia ripensis necnon Mysia 
Secunda, Dardania et Prasvalitana Provincia et secunda Macedonia et pars secundaa etiam Pannonire 

qure in Bacensi est civitate " necessarium duximus ipsam gloriosissimam 

Prsefecturam, quse in Pannonia erat, in nostra felicissima patria collocare cum nihil quidem magni 
distat a Dacia Mediterranea Secunda Pannonia." So too in Nov. 131 Dacia is placed first amongst 
the provinces under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Justinian's father-land. 

b As for example, when he speaks of the " European " Dardanians, and of their living above 
the " Epidamnians." The name of Epidamnos had long given way to that of Dyrrhachium. 

c Ptol. Geogr. 

136 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

however much they may differ from his conclusions, must acknowledge their 
indebtedness, has pointed out ft that in the fragment of John of Antioch, published 
by Mommsen, in 1872, b Justinus, the future Emperor, is mentioned as coming from 
Bederianon, a ' phrourion,' or castle, in the neighbourhood of Naissus." 

This passage Prof. Tomaschek regards as conclusive 3 ; but unfortunately it 
settles nothing. The difficiilties which must suggest themselves to all who regard 
the matter from a large historical standpoint are rather increased than diminished. 
Justinian's new capital of Illyricum could have been no mushroom growth. Its 
populousness, its commerce, its administrative importance, all point to the fact 
that Procopius is only disguising the truth when he makes it an entirely new 
creation of the Emperor. If Skopia is not to be identified with Justiniana Prima, 
Mannert's demands still remain unanswered. " How otherwise," he asks, e " is it 
possible that Procopius, or anyone else, while describing the Emperor's restorations 
in the smallest and most unknown Dardanian towns, should have passed over in 
obstinate silence the City which up to this moment had been the capital of the 
country? " The old identification of Justiniana Prima with Ochrida, the ancient 
Lychnidus, dates no further back than the thirteenth century, and was due to 
the desire of the auto-kephalous Bulgarian Archbishops of that See to profit by 
Justinian's Novella. Moreover, as will be seen, the early Byzantine and Bulgarian 
official style of these Archbishops, though it couples the two names of Justiniana 
Prima and Ochrida expressly refrains from asserting their identity/ The attempt, 
followed by Gibbon, to identify Justinian's City with Kiistendil, or Gjustendil, 
simply arose out of a false etymology. The name of Kiistendil, in fact, only 
originated in the fifteenth century, from the name of a local despot, Constantine." 

" W. Tomaschek, Hiscellen aus der alien Geographie in Zeitschrift fur die Oesterreichischen 
Gymnasien 1874, p. 659. 

b Hermes, B. vi. p. 323 seqq. 

"'louirnvoj ix BeJepiaj/oii ippovpiov jrXi)<ttaovrof Naiirffy '" op. cit. p. 339. Justin was assisting the 
Emperor Anastasius against the Isaurian rebels in the capacity of Hypostrategos. 

d " Die Sache ist entschieden." As to the opinion supported by weighty arguments by 
Mannert, Hahn, and Tozer that Scupi and Justiniana Prima were identical, Prof. Tomaschek 
thinks it not worth the trouble of refuting. " Diese Meinung zu wiederlegen verlohnt sich nicht 
der Muhe." Miscellen. fy-c. p. 658. 

e Geographie der Griechen und Homer, vii. p. 105 (Landshut). Mannert, however, had not 
observed the difficulty raised by Justinian's attribution of this city to Dacia Mediterranea. 

f See p. 143. 

K " Gospodin " Konstantin, Lord of Northern Macedonia (f 1394), well-known in Serbian epic 
as the friend of Marko Kraljevic. In 1500 the territory formerly held by him was still known as 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 137 

Its mediaeval name was Velebuzd, and it occupies the site of the ancient Pautalia, 
which, as a bishopric, is expressly distinguished from Justiniana Prima. Nor can 
we see in Justiniana Prima another name for Naissus, since the restoration of 
Naissus, or, as he calls it, Naissopolis, is specially mentioned by Procopius, after 
his account of the creation of Justiniana Prima and as a separate act of the 
Emperor, and the bishopric of Naissus is found under the supremacy of the Bishop 
of Justinian's City. 

On the other hand, it seems to me that there is traceable in Procopius' 
account certain internal evidence of probability. According to Procopius, Jus- 
tinian coupled his foundation of his new Illyrian capital with the restoration of 
Ulpiana, another ancient Dardanian city, to the remains of which I have already 
alluded in the preceding paper," which he called Justiniana Secunda. Now the 
relation of Justiniana Prima to Justiniana Secunda, to a great extent, reproduces 
the relation already existing between Scupi and Ulpiana. If Scupi, as we have 
seen, was the old Dardanian Metropolis, Ulpiana appears to have ranked nearest 
to it amongst the provincial cities. But Procopius informs us of a further fact. 
In the neighbourhood of Ulpiana or, as it was now called, Justiniana Secunda 
the Emperor built another city, which he called Justinopolis, in honour of his 
uncle Justinus. Now, if Justinus had not been born in a Dardanian district, 13 it 
is hard to see why his nephew should build a town in his honour in that province, 
as is proved from its vicinity to Ulpiana. But Justinus, as we learn from the 
fragment of John of Antioch, was connected with Bederiana. Hence it appears 
that the words TrX-^crta^ovTos rq> Nauro-w must, after all, be taken in a vague, 
general sense, and as not excluding the possibility that this " phrourion " was 
situate on Dardanian soil in the narrower sense of the word. 

The permanence of the name of Scupi, Scopi, or in its Byzantine form 
Skopia, in spite of its official substitute, again receives an illustration from the 
case of Ulpiana. Even during the reign of Justinian himself we find, as I have 
already shown, the names Justiniana Secunda and Ulpiana used indifferently in 
official acts relating to the same bishop. On the other hand, the fact that no 
Bishop of Scupi is mentioned at this time, while the title of Bishop of Justiniana 

Zemlja Konstantinova. In 1559 his City of Velebu/d or Banja (this latter name derived from its 
hot-baths) appears in an Italian Itinerario as " Constantin-bagno." Kustendil is simply the Turkish 
form of Konstantin. See Jirecek, Oesch. d. Bulgaren. p. 333. 

" See p. 58. 

b He was of course of Thracian descent. 


1 38 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

Prima appears on more than one occasion towards the end of the sixth century, 
may show that for awhile at least the more imperial name eclipsed the older, and 
what was doubtless still the popular form. lu the fifth century we find a special 
connexion between the Bishops of Dardania and the Bishop of the South-Eastern- 
most Dalmatian (Praevalitane), diocese of Doclea or Doclitia. The Bishop of this 
Dalmatian town signs among the Dardanian Catholic Bishops in the letter 
addressed by them in 451 to the Emperor Leo. It is at least a noteworthy 
coincidence that the last mention of the Bishop of Justiniana Prima should occur in 
a letter addressed in 602 by Gregory the Great to Johannes, Bishop of Justinian's 
city, to be forwarded to him, should circumstances require his intervention, through 
the Bishop of Scodra, and relating to charges brought against a Bishop of Doclea. 
There remains however a still more conclusive argument which has been 
curiously overlooked by all those who have treated of this vexata qucestio, and 
which goes far to neutralise and explain the statement contained in Justinian's 
Novella, that Justiniana Prima lay in Dacia Mediterranea. It appears, namely, from 
the letter addressed in 492 by John, Metropolitan of Scupi, to Pope Gelasius, that 
in his quality of Bishop of the metropolitan city of Scopi, " Episcopus," as he styles 
himself, " Sacrosanctce Ecclesice Scopince, Metropolitans Civitatis," he claimed a 
supremacy not only over the Bishops of Dardania in its contemporary official sense 
but over other Bishops who sign beneath him, one of whom was Bonosus, Bishop of 
no less a place than Serdica, the capital of Dacia Mediterranean In view of this 
fact the letter addressed by Gregory the Great in 595 to Felix, Bishop of Serdica, 
enjoining him to obey his superior, and the Pope's vicar, Johannes, Bishop of 
Justiniana Prima, acquires a fresh significance. In 553 we find from the Acts of 
the Fifth Synod of Constantinople that the Bishops of Naissus and Ulpiana had 
refused to attend and sided with Pope Vigilius, and when appealed to on the sub- 
ject refer the synod to their Archbishop Benenatus. Both Farlato d and Le Quien e 

a Mansi, x. 329. " De Paulo Docleatinse Civitatis episcopo lapse." Justiniana Prima seems to 
be thus brought into a certain geographical connexion with Scodra (Scutari d' Albania), from which 
place as we have seen a line of Eoman road led to the Dardanian City of Ulpiana (Justiniana II.), 
and thence to Scupi. 

b Marius Mercator, in Appendice ad Contradictionem 12 Anathetismi Nestoriani, " Sardicensis 
Bonosus qui a Damaso urbis Romse episcopo prsedamnatus fuit : " Le Quien ; Oriens. Christianus, t. ii. 
p. 302. Farlato III. Sac., t. viii. p. 34, endeavours to make Bonosus Bishop of Naissus, but on 
110 valid grounds. His statement would anyhow not affect the present argument, as Naissus was 
also in Dacia Mediterranea. 

c Mansi, ix. p. 199. a Illyricum Sacrum, t. viii. p. 17. 

c Oriens. Christianus, t. ii. p. 310. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 139 

are agreed that this Benenatus must have been bishop of Scupi, but they have 
both failed to grasp the logical deduction that the Archbishop of " the Most Holy 
Metropolitan City" of Scupi, as it appears before Justinian's time, has now become 
the Archbishop of his special city. The Primacy, then, of Illyricum was not an 
altogether new creation, but in part represented earlier claims of precedency 
exercised by the Bishops of Scupi. The language of Procopius and the language 
of the Novelloe are thus reconciled, and the special tie of allegiance which bound 
the Bishop of Justinian's city to the Bishop of Rome is seen to be in fact the direct 
inheritance from an earlier time when the Metropolitans of Scupi stood forth as 
the principal champions of Western orthodoxy in Illyricum. 

When we find the Bishop of the Dardanian Metropolis taking precedency of 
Dacian Bishops at a time when, politically, Dardania and Dacia Mediterranea were 
separate provinces we are tempted to suspect that the ecclesiastical supremacy 
represents, as is so often the case, a survival of an earlier political distribution. 

There is, in fact, clear historic evidence that, according to the original arrange- 
ment of Aurelian, Dardania was tacked on to Dacia Mediterranea, insomuch that 
in the early lists of the provinces of the Moesian diocese, as given by the MS. of 
Verona, Rufus, and Polemius Silvius, Dardania and Dacia Mediterranea are given 
indifferently as the names of one and the same province. At some time after the 
completion of the list of Polemius Silvius and before that of the Notitia* the pro- 
vince which bore the double name of Dardania and Dacia Mediterranea was divided 
into the two provinces of Dardania, as we find it in Hierocles, with Scupi as its 
Metropolis, and Dacia Mediterranea under Serdica. But it is obvious from this 
that there may have been a time when, as the later ecclesiastical arrangement 
indicates, Scupi was the political Metropolis of a Dacia Mediterranea which 
included the later Dardania. 

In the Notitia* itself, indeed, Dardania continues to be reckoned along with 
Dacia Mediterranea and Ripensis, Moesia Prima, Pra3valitana, and a part of Mace- 
donia Salutaris as one of the " Five Dacias " which had now. replaced the "Three 
Dacias " of the original Trans-Danubian province. There is, indeed, evidence that 
in Justinian's time the name of Dacia could still be extended to the furthest limit 
of the provinces originally included in the "Five Dacias." Procopius on two 
separate occasions attributes to Dacia Singidunum, a city which according to 

a See Mommsen, Revue Aroheologique, N. S. xiv. p. 387. The words of Rufus in describing the 
formation of Aurelian's Dacia are : ' Per Aurelianum, translatis exinde Romanis, duce Daciat in 
regionibus Moesics et Dardania; facto; sunt." 

b Not. Or. iii. 14. 

T 2 

140 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

Hierocles' list was included in Upper Moesia, and what in this respect is true of 
Upper Mcesian cities, applies equally to the cities of the once " Dacian " Dardania. 
Dacia was the more renowned name, and there was always a tendency to use it, 
the more so as at this period the actual provincial divisions were becoming vague 
and undefined. 11 

It must be allowed that the language of the Novellce is inconsistent, yet it will 
be seen that, in placing Scupi in Dacia Mediterranea, Justinian was but reverting 
to an earlier arrangement, still apparently kept up by the existing ecclesiastical 
organisation. And the prestige of the Dacian name was still such that in raising 
what was now in strict official phraseology a Dardanian city to the chief place in 
his newly constituted Illyricum, it was convenient to revert to this earlier usage 
which attributed Scupi to Dacia Mediterranea. The Dacian hegemony could not be 
ignored in an Illyrian government, the geographical limits of which almost precisely 
answered to what was still known as the " Five Dacias." In Justinian's eccle- 
siastical arrangement indeed no change in official language was required, for Scupi, 
as we have seen, was still the recognised Metropolis of the whole of that original 
Mediterranean Dacia that had once politically embraced Dardania. 

In the case of Justiniana Secunda we have seen that the old name of the city 
continued to be used concurrently with the official title, and finally in an altered 
form survived it. The same process undoubtedly occurred in the case of Justiniana 
Prima. Towards the end of the sixth century the name of Scupi, or " Scopis," as 
it is written in the language of the times b reappears in history, and Theophylact 
mentions that the town was plundered and many of its citizens taken captive by a 
Slavonic band. It is probable that the town passed definitely into Slavonic hands 
about 695, in which year we find numerous refugees from the Dardanian cities taking 
refuge within the walls of Thessalonica. a Under the Bulgarian princes " Skopje," 

8 D. B. Goth. ii. pp. 80, 418 (Bonn ed.). 

b Compare Jornandes' Sirmis, 8/-c. In Eavennas the form Scupis occurs, cf. Londinis, Sfc. 

c Hist. vii. 2 (Bonn ed. p. 272). Td yap 'AaXSaira Kai'Aicve Kai 'S.KoTTig KaTairpovofitvaavTtf, &C. 

6 Acta S. Demetrii, c. ii. It is there mentioned as a chief cause of the second Slavonic 
onslaught on Thessalonica that that city sheltered escaped " mancipia " from the interior of 
Illyricum. One city only ought not to be allowed to hold out when all the other cities and provinces 
round had been made void of Roman habitation ; " hsec autem " (to quote the Latin version) " sola 
superesset omnesque e Danubii partibus Paunoniaque et Dacia et Dardania reliquisque provinciis 
et urbibus transfugas reciperet atque in sinu suo foveret." The citizens of Naissus and Serdica are 
specially mentioned. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwm. 141 

as its name was known in its Slavonic form," continued to be an important civil 
and ecclesiastical centre. The eleventh century Byzantine chroniclers" call it 
even the " Metropolis of Bulgaria," a title which conveys a hint as to the source 
whence the later auto-kephalous Bishops of Ochrida drew their style of " Bishops 
of Justiniana Prima." 

Apart from this ecclesiastical and other evidence as to the identity of Scupi 
and Justiniana Prima, I have already called attention to two facts, arrived at by 
researches on the spot, which ought to weigh on the same side, against the confi- 
dent assertions of Professor Tomaschek. I have shown, from a series of monu- 
ments, that the site of the Koman colony and later metropolitan city of Scupi is to 
be found in the immediate neighbourhood of the important Byzantine, Slavonic, 
and Turkish emporium of Skopia, or Uskiip, with which its name is, in fact, 
identical, and that to hunt for it in the Morava Valley would, therefore, be super- 
fluous. I have further shown, that a direct line of Roman way through the pass 
of Kacanik brought Scupi into peculiarly intimate relation with the Dardanian 
sister-town of Ulpiana ; in other words, with Justiniana Secunda. It remains to 
consider the existing Byzantine monuments of Skopia itself, and some important 
evidence connected with local names and sites in the neighbourhood. 

Previous to his journey undertaken from Belgrade to Salonica, the attention of 
Von Hahn had been called by the Austrian Consul-G-eneral Mihanovich to the 
striking similarity of the names of Taor and Bader, two villages near Skopia, to 
the Tauresium and Bederiana mentioned by Procopius as native places of Jus- 
tinian. 3 Owing to unfavourable weather, the snow lying then on the ground, Von 
Hahn had been unable during the course of his journey to follow up the inquiry 

a Nikephoros Bryennios, iv. 18 (Bonn ed. p. 148), in the eleventh century still calls Skopia by 
its ancient name of Scomrot and places it correctly on the Vardar as he tells us the Axios was then 

b Skylitzes and his copyist Kedrenos (Bonn ed. ii. 527). The revolted Bulgarian Prince, Peter 

Deljan, marches " Sia re flaitraov Kal riav 'S.KOViriiav Tijg MijrpOJroXEWf BoiAyapi'af " (A.D. 1040). When Basil 

organised the Bulgarian Church in 1020 the Bishop of Skopia was assigned 40 Kleriki and 40 
npoiKoi, putting it on a level with the largest Bulgarian Sees (see Jirecek, Geschichte der Bulgaren, 
p. 202). 

c By the neighbouring Albanian tribes, the best local representatives of the Roman provincials, 
the town is still called " Scup." 

d Reise von Belgrad nach Salonik, p. 156. Tauresium might easily represent a Vicus Taurensium, 
pointing to some form with which Taor would connect itself. Neither Taor nor Bader appears to 
be of Slavonic origin. As a set-off to this, Prof. Tomaschek, who seeks his Justiniana Prima near 
Kursumlje, has sought to connect the name of Tauresium with that of the village of Tovrljan in the 
Toplica district. 

142 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

with any definite results, but he had heard of some old foundations in the neigh- 
bourhood of Taor, a had been shown in the village a stone " postament," with what 
appeared to him to be a Slavonic inscription," and had seen a copy of another 
Slavonic inscription from a neighbouring monastery, which, he was led to believe, 
contained a reference to Justinian as its founder. On the strength of these 
observations of Yon Hahn, and this striking similarity of names, I made it my 
special business to explore Bader, Taor, and the surrounding region. Both 
villages lie on the skirts of a mountainous triangle that lies between the Yardar 
and its tributary the Pcinja, near the confluence of the two rivers, and partially 
shut in by the sedgy lake of Jelatno. The starting-point of my explorations was 
Banja, in the Pcinja valley, the hot baths and ancient quarries of which I have 
already described, which, apparently, formed the thermal station marked on the 
Tabula of Peutinger as the first station on the Thessalonican road, twenty-one 
miles distant from Scupi/ 1 The Koman way itself, in its southward course, must 
have proceeded from the neighbourhood of Banja, along the left bank of the 
Pcinja, which it would here cross, and the heights above it would be the natural 
position for a castle commanding the pass. At this point, in fact, are the ruins of 
a Turkish watch-tower, known as the Badersko Kaleh, which formerly commanded 
the road through the gorge ; a road which certainly represents the Roman line. 
The name of this Kaleh is interesting, as showing that the name of Bader still 
clings to both banks of the river, and its function at least supplies a raison d'etre 
for the former existence of a Byzantine " phrourion," such as was Bederiana, in its 
vicinity. Bader itself lies on the right bank of the stream, which is here easily 
fordable. The village is nothing more than a wretched group of Bulgar hovels 
enclosed in mud walls ; indeed, its sole redeeming feature was a fountain erected 
by a pious Moslem dame, Fatima by name ; its position, however, hanging on a 
steep above the "iron gates" of the stream, was certainly lovely. I was unable 
to observe any remains here of Eoman date, though there was a Christian ceme- 
tery near it of some antiquity and considerable extent scattered about in an oak 

a Op. tit. p. 157. " Hier war kein Platz fiir Prokop's Tetrapyrgion, doch erzahlten die -Bauem, 
dass sie beim Beackern der auf der Platte oberhalb der Dorfes gelegenen Felder auf Cementsubstruc- 
tionen stiessen, und bejahten unsere Frage, ob diese ein Viereck bildeten, doch mochten wir durch 
diese Bejahung die Frage noch nicht als unwiderruflich entschieden betrachten. Die auf der Platte 
lagernde Schneedecke machte die Untersuchung derselben durch den Augenschein unmoglich." The 
peasants also spoke of a quadrangular tile conduit leading to these remains. 

b Op. cit. p. 158. c Op. cit. p. 162. 

a See p. 110. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwm. 143 

wilderness. About an hour's walk higher up the lateral valley, at the opening of 
which Bader lies, is the village of Blace, where two Eoman inscriptions were 
found by engineers engaged in quarrying operations in this neighbourhood, con- 
nected with the construction of the Macedonian line. In the little church here, I 
found one of these monuments, an altar with the comprehensive dedication : " To 
Jupiter Optimus Maximus, Juno Regina, Minerva Sancta, and all the other Gods 
and Goddesses:" 3 erected by Aur. Titianus, a Beneficiarius Consularis of the 7th, 
Claudian, Legion, to which we have so often had occasion to refer, in the Consulship 
of Victorinus and Proculus, that is in the year 200 A.D. The other inscription was 
no longer to be found ; but it is interesting, as referring to the serpent- worship 
introduced by Alexander, the prophet of Abonotichos, of whom Lucian has left us 
an account ; and whose authority was, apparently, popular amongst the Dacians- 
I noticed one or two other fragments in the neighbourhood of the church of Blace, 
which seemed to be of Eoman origin. From this village, which occupies a central 
and commanding position in this hilly tract, between the Pcinja and Vardar, a 
straight line of road, embanked in places, runs along the watershed almost due 
South, towards the village of Koslje, and the confluence of the two rivers. To this 
road I am certainly inclined to attribute a Roman origin. 

In the Bulgarian monastery of St. John, which lies on the left steep of the 
Pcinja, near its confluence, I saw a Slavonic inscription, a copy of which Von 
Hahn had been shown at Velese, and which he supposed to contain a reference to 
Justinian. It is painted in black letters in the inside of the little Byzantine 
church, above the doorway ; but it did not by any means answer to Von Halm's 
description. A few words were indecipherable, but the inscription, as a whole, is 
clear enough, and runs as follows : 

" This church was built from the foundation and painted within by the present 

labour and expense of the God-loving Bishop Kirioseph from the 

Monastery of Zographu. In the time of the Patriarchate of the blessed and .... 
Lord and Bishop of the First Justiniana or Ochrida, the Lord Zozimos, and of the 
.... Sultan Mechmet. At that time Crete was taken. And the founders 
(Ktetors) were from Rudnik," Jovo, Neda, Nera, . . . ica, Prodanj, Stepanj, Vaso, 
Damceta. In the year (1669)." 

The mention of the capture of Crete enables us to supply the date, which was 
obliterated in the original. 

TITIANVS . BF . / COS . LEG . VII . CL . / V . S . L . M 

6 A neighbouring village. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricvm. 

It will be seen that this inscription does no more than record the official title 
of the auto-kephalous Bulgarian Bishops " of Justiniana and Ochrida," and does 
not, as Von Hahn was given to suppose, in any way connect the founding of the 
monastery with the Emperor Justinian. 8 

It is remarkable that the village of Taor stands, 
to the Vardar River Pass at its opening on the Plain 
of tiskiip, in much the same relation as Bader and 
the Badersko Kaleh stand to that of the Pcinja. 
The village itself lies in a beautiful wooded glen by 
the banks of the river, and a little above it is an 
old ferry across the stream to the village of Orezan. 
A few hundred yards to the north of Taor, at the 
foot of the undulating heights that here dominate 
the level expanse on which Skopia stands, is the 
little church of St. Ilija, about which were many 
Roman fragments, including shafts of columns, 
broken cornices, and a sepulchral slab with dolphins 
and a banqueting scene in the apex, but in the field 
below a Slav inscription, which has supplanted the 
original Roman titulus (fig. 89). Much might, no 
doubt, be made of this by the champions of Justinian's 
Slavonic origin were not the letters of mediasval form, 
certainly not earlier than the fourteenth century. 

Within the church, and serving as an altar, is 
a block which is probably the "postament" de- 
scribed by Hahn. b It is simply an altar of Roman 
Imperial date turned upside down. The inscription 
in small letters was exceedingly illegible, but the 
letters that I was able to make out seemed to be 
Fig. 89. rather Greek than Cyrillian (fig. 90). 

a The translation of the inscription as given to Hahn (p. 162) was of a curious kind: "die Inschrift, 
. . . wenn mann sie uns richtig iibersetzt hat, den Arzt eines tiirkischen Pascha's, welcher dessen 
Gattin von der TJnfruchtbarkeit heilte, als den Wiederhersteller des von Justinian gegriindeten 
Klosters nennt "(!) 

b Op. dt. p. 158 : " Leider stand das Postament auf dem Kopfe und ist die Inschrift so verwischt 
dass wir nur mit grosser Muke einige roh gearbeitete slavische Charaktere erkennen konnten." 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


I explored the neighbouring downs above the village for any ancient founda- 
tions in vain, till at last a Bulgar guided me to a terrace above the church of 
St. Ilija, which was literally strewn with Roman tiles and fragments of masonry, 
and surrounded by foundations of ancient walls of brick and rubble masonry. 
That this was a " phrourion " or " castellum " of late Roman date I cannot 
doubt. It had obviously more than four angles, but if, as I am inclined to 
suppose, the points ABC and D in the annexed plan (fig. 91) a were occupied 

'. KorioA.'AKl-T, 
I/'.C-c! 7 " 

Fig. 90. 

Fig. 91. 

with towers, we should have before us a Tetrapyrgia not inconsistent with 
Procopius' description of the castle of Tauresium. In any case, the occurrence of 
such a castle on the spot where ex hypothesi we were led to look for Justinian's 
" phrourion " must be regarded as a remarkable coincidence. 

Of the antiquity of this ruin there appears, indeed, to be one remarkable piece 
of documentary evidence. In a grant of the Bulgarian Czar, Constantine Asn 

8 The foundations about the corner A were very indistinct, and in order to ascertain the outline 
of this part of the castellum excavations would be necessary. The measurements given are 


146 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

(1258-1277) to the monastery of St. George, near Skopia, is mentioned the 
"Gradiste," or ruined site of a castle, by the village of Tavor, a the later Taor, and 
the lake of Jelatno. " Gradiste " is a term frequently applied by the Slaves to 
sites once occupied by Roman constructions. 

Nor has the local saga forgotten this ruined site. From an intelligent Bulgar 
schoolmaster at Kuceviste, in the Karadagh, I learnt one or two interesting 
popular traditions which bear upon the question at issue. He told me that 
old men of this district say that " Three Emperors were born at Skopia," and 
that there was a tradition that " Czar Kostadin " was born at Taor, and reigned 
afterwards at Skopia. It seems to me by no means impossible that the Emperor 
Constantine, as an ecclesiastical as well as political celebrity, has usurped Justinian's 
place in the folk-lore of the country. 

We may now turn to an examination of the Byzantine antiquities of Skopia 
itself. That the original walls of the Akropolis are of Byzantine date appears 
from an inscription in large tilework letters on the upper part of the inner wall to 
the left of the main entrance. This inscription in its present state is extremely 
difficult to decipher. I was able, however, to make out a few fragments, sufficient 
to show its Byzantine origin 


[H N6AN///MH | ANePOOnC////] [AC HrIC A6 TIC Hr6] 

The impression given by these fragments is that they formed part of a Byzan- 
tine inscription of the usual bombastic style, examples of which are to be seen in 
the inscription recording the erection of a tower at Durazzo by Theodore Ducas 
Comnenos, b and in another, written in large characters of the same ceramic 
construction on the outside of the old cathedral-church of Hagia Sophia, at 
Ochrida. The walls themselves of the Akropolis are in their older portion formed 
of large square stones, framed, as it were, with tiles ; a Byzantine form of construc- 

a " Selo Tavor, gradiSte . . . . s jezerom Jelatnim." (Safariik. Pamdtky 25; quoted in 
Jirecek Geschichte der Bulgaren, p. 79. 

b Given in Hahn : Albanesische Studien, p. 122. When I saw this inscription, it was broken 
into two fragments and used as a support for the wooden post of a verandah in the Turkish 
Governor's Konak. 

c Hahn. Drin und Vardar-Reise, p. 115. The name of the prelate in whose honour the inscrip- 
tion (of colossal size) was put up has disappeared, but we are told : 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


tion, of which a good example may be seen in the great tenth century church 
of St. Luke's, at Styri, in Greece, and of which there are many later examples 
amongst the Slavonic buildings of Skopia and the surrounding regions." 

The first impression which the town of Skopia makes upon the stranger, is that 
he has before him in an almost perfect state of preservation a Byzantine city. 
In wandering amongst the moss-grown domes of the hamams, the ancient brick 
and stone-work bazaars, the noble caravanserais of which the famous Kurshumli 
Han b or Lead Han is the type (fig. 92), one is tempted to recognise the very baths 

Pig. 92. Kurshumli Han, 

and market-halls with which Justinian embellished his favoured city. A more 
detailed study, however, shows that many of these antique edifices, Byzantine as 
is their style and appearance, are really of Turkish origin, and date from the first 

B The beginnings of this form of construction may be traced in the walls of the Imperial Palace 
at Trier. 

b This Han has been well-described by Mr. Tozer, Highlands of Turkey, vol. i. p. 367. The 
Sulei Han is another edifice of considerable antiquity. In the Fererli Han are said to be concealed 
inscriptions. These buildings at present afford lodgings and warehouses for merchants. On the 
piers of the Kurshumli Han many names of old Ragusan merchants are to be seen painted in red 


noticed the names of Lucich and Radegla. On the outside wall of the Han is a Turkish inscription. 


148 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

days of the conquest, when a large Osmanli colony was planted in the town, and 
Moslem tTskiip arose to be the " bride of Rumili." 

The mosques supply a standpoint for comparison. Thus, after a prolonged 
study of the Kurshumli Han, I was inclined to ascribe to it a Byzantine origin, 
till a minute examination of a small mosque opposite it assured me that both were 
the work of the same hands." The pillars of the arcade in the Han, and the 
abacus surmounting them, exactly answer to those of the porch of this mosque. 
In the same way baths, which externally look as ancient as that described near 
Novipazar, contain Arabic features in their interior construction and ornament. 
Thus, the great Hamam of IJskup, which, with its low octagon capped with 
a roofed cupola, externally much resembles the old octagonal thermal cham- 
ber near Novipazar, presents internally an entirely Oriental appearance, with 
ogival arches and corner niches or alcoves, with rows of angular excrescences, 
which, when sufficiently projecting, give them somewhat the appearance of 
stalactitic grottoes. On the other hand, the mere insertion of a Turkish inscrip- 
tion into the outside wall of a building does not necessarily prove that it was the 
work of the Turkish dignitary thus honoured, and some of the buildings, especially 
in the North-East quarter of the town, may well date from prae-Turkish and even 
prse-Slavonic times. Of these, the most ancient in appearance is unquestionably 
the ruined Hamam of " the two Sisters." Two sisters, according to local tradi- 
tion, daughters of a king, were taken by a pasha to wife. He died, leaving them 
childless, and the widows built the Hamam. It is built like so many Byzantine 
buildings of this district of square blocks of stone encased with tiles, but in the 
present instance, many of the blocks are, as already mentioned, 6 wrought out of 
Roman sepulchral monuments. Nothing seems more difficult than to deter- 
mine the age of buildings built in the same Byzantine style before and after the 
Turkish conquest. But the existence of so many ancient buildings in the same 
style at Skopia itself, and amongst the monasteries of the surrounding ranges, is 
itself sufficient proof of the strength of the local Byzantine tradition. In no 
other town in the central districts of the Balkan Peninsula is the living impress 
of New Rome so strong as here. Indirectly, if not directly, the hand of Justinian 
is still felt in what I, for my part, shall not scruple to call his native city. The 
numismatic evidence as to the importance of Skopia in the fifth, sixth, and 
succeeding centuries is not less strking. In the bazars of the town, in addition 
to coins of Macedonian, consular, and early imperial date and amongst them 

a The Turks attribute the construction of the Kursumli Han to a certain Mahmoud Pasha. 
b P. 101. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 149 

autonomous pieces of Thessalonica, Stobi, Pautalia, and Viminacium, illustrating 
the old commercial connexion with those places I observed an abundance of coins 
of Anastasius, Justin, and Justinian, besides others dating from later Byzantine, 
Bulgarian, and Serbian times. Cnriously enough, the parting keepsake given me 
by my host at Uskup was a large brass coin of Justinian himself. 

The Aqueduct of Skopia is visible about an hour distant from the city to the 
North. There are fifty-four brickwork arches, supported on piers of alternating 
stone and brick, spanning a small valley connecting one of the lower undulations 
which roll across the plain from the foot of the Karadagh with the range of hills 
on which the akropolis of Skopia stands. From this spot it runs, as an under- 
ground channel, in a North-Easterly direction to the village of Grluha, which 
lies in a wooded and well-watered glen of the Karadagh range. The source is 
covered and preserved from possible contamination by a low, square, stone-tiled 
building of rubble masonry, which cannot pretend to any vast antiquity. The 
spring itself is known to the villagers as "Lavovac." In the Skopia direction 
the channel is again lost beneath the surface, and comes out finally near the noble 
Mustafa Mosque (which rises above the town not far from the entrance to the fort- 
ress), where its first function is to supply the fountain that embellishes the court 
of the mosque. In surveying the arches of this Aqueduct as they span the valley 
so Byzantine in their general effect the traveller is again tempted to imagine 
that he sees before him the actual handiwork of Justinian, and that this is the 
very Aqueduct by which the Emperor, according to Procopius, conducted a 
perennial stream to his native city. In this case again, however, a closer study 
has led me to modify this opinion. Though several ancient fragments, including, 
besides that containing a part of the titles of Severus, a portion of a Eoman 
sarcophagus and an Ionic capital, not improbably of Byzantine date, have been 
walled into the fabric, the general appearance of the work and the character of its 
preservation is not such as to warrant the belief that in its present state at least 
it dates from Justinian's time. There is no single feature in the construction 
which is not reproduced in mosques, hamams, and hans of Turkish date in Skopia, 
while the ogival character of many of the arches, which may be gathered from 
my sketch (fig. 93), is certainly not inconsistent with a late origin ; though not, 
perhaps, conclusive, as such pointed arches do occasionally occur in undoubtedly 
Eoman aqueducts. 1 On the whole, therefore, I am reduced to suppose that the 
upper part, at least, of the Aqueduct in its present state represents the recon- 

a For pointed arches in the Aqueduct of Segovia, built in Trajan's time, see Archaeologia, vol. iv. 
page 410, note. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

struction in Turkish times of a pre-existing Byzantine work. The local traditions 
that I am able to gather thoroughly support this view. The prevalent tradition 

Fig. 93. The Aqueduct of Skopia. 

amongst Christians, as well as Turks, is, that the Aqueduct was a pious work of 
the same Musta or Mustafa Pasha who built the mosque, which, as we have seen, 
was its first goal, in Skopia." On the other hand, I also came upon traces, and 

a An older Christian tradition regarding the aqueduct is, however, mentioned in the relation of 
the Eagusan ambassadors who passed through tJskup in 1792. " Nella vicinanza di Uschiup 
videro un antico acquedotto mezzo rovinato volgarmente detto Gerina Ciupria, cioe Ponte di Jerina 
moglie di Giorgio Despot, per ehe da lei fabricate acquedotto fatto a forza di archi molto simile a 
quello di Pisa." Jerina or Irene, wife of the Serbian despot George Brankovich, is popularly credited 
with many buildings throughout those countries. The description " mezzo rovinato " is interesting 
as showing that some restoration of the work must have taken place since the end of the last 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


that from an unexpected quarter, of a saga, which points to the existence of the 
Aqueduct in some form in much more remote times. Whilst examining the 

Fig. 51 Arches in the old Bezestan, Skopia. 

milliary column which exists in a street of Skopia, I read out the name of Trajan 
to a group of enquiring Turks who were collected round me whereupon one of, 
the most venerable of the number, old Abderrahman Aga, at once exclaimed, 
" Trojan, Kapetan Trojan ! Why, he it was who built the Aqueduct." The 
name of the great engineering Emperor, who bridled the Danube and conquered 
Dacia, still lives in the folk-lore of the Peninsula ; and in this instance " Kapetan 
Trojan " appears to have appropriated Justinian's work, in the same way as we 
have seen " Czar " Constantine usurp his birthplace. 

I was fortunate enough to discover in Skopia itself something like a proof 

152 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

that the Aqueduct had once existed throughout its extent in an earlier form. 
Hearing of an old " Bezestan " or " cloth hall," at present closed (partly, indeed, 
in a state of demolition), and hidden from view by the surrounding booths of the 
bazar, with some difficulty I obtained access to it. What was my surprise to 
find the central court traversed by three large brickwork arches, supported by 
stone piers of well-cut masonry, surmounted by a well-executed cornice or abacus, 
and evidently representing a section of that part of the aqueduct which supplied 
the lower town of Skopia. The court itself had obviously been altered in later 
times, and holes for beams, supporting some later flooring or roof, had been 
knocked out of the sides of the central line of arches. That parts of the building, 
however, belonged to the same date as the fragment of the aqueduct which it 
included was obvious, from the fact that the arches coalesced with the structure 
of the walls at the two extremities of the court. 

The construction of the piers and arches seemed to me in this case to be not 
earlier than late Roman times, and distinctly superior to that of the Aqueduct 
outside the city, one obvious defect of which is that the piers are too large for the 
brick arches they support. The old Bezestan itself, which forms in part at least 
an organic whole with this early work, is a good example of the style of blended 
stone and brick-work which at Skopia, as we have seen, survived Byzantine times. 
The walls of its central court contain small chambers, access to which is obtained 
by small round arched doors, and in the middle of each side of the court is an 
entrance arch of larger dimensions. The interior is at present cumbered with 
debris of brickwork, and the whole is threatened with speedy demolition. If we 
may be allowed to regard the central arches as a surviving relic of the actual fabric 
of Justinian's Aqueduct, we may venture to see in the ruined building which it 
traverses one of the very market halls with which, according to Procopius, the 
Emperor adorned his native City. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 153 



In the Tabula Peutingeriana and the Geographer of Ravenna, there appears a 
line of road bringing Scupi into direct connexion with the historically better 
known city of Naissus, the birthplace of Constantine, and thus with the great 
central highway of Illyricum, the "Agger Publicus " that ran from Singidunum, the 
present Belgrade, past Serdica (Sophia) to Philippopolis, and eventually to Byzan- 
tium. Grave difficulties are suggested by the mileage and stations of this route, 
which itself falls into two parts : 

1. A cross-line from Scupi to Hammeo, the Acmeon of Ravennas, a station 
twenty miles distant from Naissus on the military road already referred to," which 
brought Naissus into communication with Ulpiana, and eventually with the 
Adriatic port of Lissus. 

2. The section from Hammeo (or Acmeon) to Naissus common to the route 
Naissus-Ulpiana, and Naissus-Scupi. 

In Ravennas we have nothing more than a confused list of cities. In the 
Tabula there is no intermediate station given between Scupi and Hammeo 
(Acmeon), which at the lowest computation must have been three days distant. 
It was this omission that led Professor Tomaschek, wrongly, as we have seen, to 
look for the site of Scupi itself in the valley of the Bulgarian Morava. "We may be 
allowed to suspect that stations on the line Scupi-Hammeo have been erroneously 
transferred on the Tabula to the line Scupi-Stobi, where the chain of stations is too 
long. But the whole question is obscure and I shall here content myself with a 
few antiquarian observations made during a journey from Skopia to Nish (the 
ancient Naissus) some of- which throw a certain amount of light on the course of 
the Roman road-line and the position of two at least of the principal stations. 

The modern road that traverses the low Southern offshoots of the Karadagh to 
Kumanovo affords a certain guide to the earlier part of the Roman route from 
Scupi, in the Naissus direction. The physical configuration of the country and 
the interposition of the Karadagh ranges admit in fact of no alternative line in 
that part of the route. 

See p. 65 seqq. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyrwum. 

At Kumanovo, outside the orthodox church, was an altar to Jupiter Optimus 
Maximus D(olichenus) erected by a certain Achilleus for the health of Caracalla 
and Julia Domna in the consulship of Sabinus and Anulinus, a A.D. 216. 

I was informed that this stone had been 
brought from the village of Lopod about an 
hour and a-half to the West of Kumanovo, 
where another inscription is said to exist near 
the mosque. At this place, therefore, rather 
than at Kumanovo itself, should be sought the 
first station on the Roman road from Scupi to 
Naissus. Above this village, on an eastern spur 
of the Karadagh, rises the noble Byzantine 
church of Matejci, near which I observed a 
Roman sepulchral slab with an illegible in- 

The church itself, with its brickwork central 
tower, its four surrounding cupolas, and its 
triple apse, stands like some peak-castle of the 
Middle Ages on the summit of one of the beech- 
wood-covered spurs of the Black Mountain. 
Its position at an elevation of about 3,000 feet 
looking forth over the broad Kumanovo plain, 
and the distant Serbian and Bulgarian ranges is 
most commanding and may vie with that of 
the temple of ^Egina. I found the monastery, 
such as it is, tenanted by a few Bulgar peasants, 
and the church itself, one of the noblest monu- 

lovi Optimo ~M.aximo Dolicheno 


" This stone had been previously observed by Von Halm (Reise von Belgrad nach Salonik, 239. 
C. I. L. iii. 1697). His observations were conducted, however, under most unfavourable climatic 
conditions, and his copy is inaccurate in every single line. He made out the dedication to be one to 







D M S E R-WvT- Po^ 




Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 155 

merits of Eastern Rome in this region, far advanced on the road to total ruin. 
The great central cupola had fallen in, and the two massive columns on either side 
of the entrance were overthrown. Their capitals were very remarkable and 
recalled those of the church containing the Emperor Dusan's effigy at Ljubiten. 
The four angles of one were adorned with scallop foliage, two heads of bulls, and 
one of a ram ; of the other with the same foliation, a ram's head, an eagle, and a 
kind of Ionic volute. In its ground plan, with its two side apses, and indeed in 
its spacious dimensions, twenty-eight paces long by seventeen broad, it differs from 
most of the churches hereabouts. 

The inscriptions on the frescoes, with which the whole interior of the church 
had been covered, were in Greek. Of the wall-paintings themselves, which, in 
spite of the ruinous condition of the church, are in some places brilliantly pre- 
served, the full-length image of the Theotokos and Child (to whom, according to 
the local tradition, the church was dedicated) to the East of the blocked-up 
southern entrance is amongst the most graceful. Over the door is a large repre- 
sentation of the Pantokrator. To the left, entering the church, the whole of the 
second bay of the western wall is filled with a sacred genealogical tree, on the 
central stem of which I could read the names of David and Solomon ; on either 
side of this the coiling foliage enclosed rows of prophets and patriarchs. To 
the right of the entrance the sacred tree is balanced by another, Imperial and 
Orthodox. Unfortunately, this is much effaced ; but enoiigh remained to show 
that it was a Byzantine counterpart of the tree of the Nemanjids in the royal 
Serbian church of Decani : a the figures here were smaller and inferior to the 
Serbian, but, in other respects, much resembled them. One legend still remains, 
attached to a figure in the highest row but one of the tree, 


to show that this was intended to represent the genealogical tree of the imperial 
house of the Komneni. In the South-East corner of the church are three more 
imperial full-length portraits : an Emperor, holding a roll in Byzantine fashion ; 
an Empress, whose robes are elaborately ornamented with a fleur-de-lys pattern ; and 
a younger Emperor; in this case again the style much recalling the representations 
of Dusan and his son and consort. In the centre of what is now the ruined body of 

About two hours distant from Kumanovo to the East, at Naguric, is a splendid example of an 
old Serbian church, with an inscription recording its erection by King Miljutin, and frescoes within 
of the King and his consort Simonida. Like Decani, it is evidently the work of a Dalmatian architect, 
and represents a compromise between Italian and Byzantine styles. I must however reserve its 
description for another occasion. 

x 2 

156 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

the church, a later chapel has been erected for purposes of worship, and about one 
hundred yards below are ruins of another of smaller dimensions, with frescoes of 
a later date. 

At Kumanovo itself I obtained several coins ft and other antiquities, the bulk of 
which were said to have been found at Prsovo, a small town some three hours 
distant ; and I had previously met an engineer who had been recently occupied 
with the construction of a road near this place, who informed me that, to his 
knowledge, three Roman inscriptions had been found there. To Prsovo I accord- 
ingly proceeded, following the western edge of the plain that skirts this side of 
the Karadagh. The little town itself consists of five or six hundred houses, of 
which only ten are Christian, and lies at the point where a tributary of the 
Morava issues from a winding gorge of the Black Mountain, and where, to the 
North- West, a pass leads across the range to Grilan, five hours distant. The inscrip- 
tions had, unfortunately, vanished ; their disappearance but too probably connect- 
ing itself with the needs of road paving ; but traces of Roman occupation were 
not wanting. The Kaimakam informed me that some children, playing in a field 
by the stream, had recently found several coins, one of which was brought me as a 
specimen. It proved to be a denarius of the Empress Faustina. From an intelli- 
gent Albanian guide, Mustafa by name, I learnt that on the height above the 
village there had formerly been a stone with a wolf, as he thought, sculptured on 
it, and an inscription. In the upper part of the glen he showed me a spot where 
ancient foundations and Roman tiles abounded ; and informed me that many 
graves had been dug up here, ornaments being sometimes found with the remains. 
Above this spot were some curious niches with remains of frescoes, but these of 
mediaeval Byzantine or Slavonic date, cut in the face of the cliff. The present 
population is Albanian, belonging to three "Fises" -"Plahac," " Sopa," and 
" Kilment " (" Clementi," as pronounced by my guide). From what I learned from 
him as to the local dialect, Roman or Rouman influence on the language must be 
here very marked, and I was much struck with his remark : " Albanian, Italian, b 

* The coins included silver pieces of the Paeonian princes, Patraos and Audoleon, Macedonian, 
Roman, and Byzantine. Pffionian coins seem more abundant in this district East of the Karadagh 
than in the immediate environs of Skopia. They are also abundant about Vranja in the upper valley 
of the Bulgarian Morava. 

b Mustafa had picked up a little Italian from some workmen engaged on the new Serbian line. 
Amongst words in the local dialect which struck him as like Italian he instanced Szavle=Sand. 
(Cf. Ital. Sabbia, Bouman, Sablu), Plop or Plep^poplar (Ital. Pioppo, Macedo-Rouman Plop), Sielcerr 
willow (Italian Salice, Macedo-Rouman Salice or Salce), Supra=above (It. Sopra, Rouman Supra, 
ordinary Albanian Siper), Ca'olli also Cavolli. horse (It. Cavallo, Rouman, Gallu, ordinary Albanian 
Colli or Calli), &c. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 157 

and Ylach are all the same." On the opposite side of the Golema is a village with 
the purely Eouman name, Pratosielce="Willow-mead, and Koncul on the other side 
of the Morava has an equally Eouman sound. 

The Koman remains at Prsovo and, according to my guide, several inscrip- 
tions had been recently broken up here seem to mark it as a considerable Station 
on the Eoman road-line between Scupi and Naissus. Of the further course of the 
Way into the valley of the Bulgarian Morava, approached from this place by an 
easy descent, I could find no direct evidence. That the hot-baths of Vranja were 
known to the Romans is highly probable. In the neighbourhood of this town 
Eoman coins are of frequent occurrence, and, from the coins of Paeonia and 
Damastion that I obtained here, it would certainly appear that this, the natural 
avenue of approach from the ^Egean to the Danubian basin was frequented by 
traders in prae-Eoman times. 

At Leskovac, the only trace of Eoman habitation that I observed was a large tile 
with part of a stamp beginning with B . . . but broken off, and some fragmentary 
capitals, on the site of an old church of St. Elias, now in course of restoration. 

"Whilst exploring the wild country that lies to the North of Leskovac a part 
of the former Arnaontluk till the Serbian occupation, almost inaccessible to 
strangers I came upon some more important remains. I had learnt, from some of 
the natives, that at a spot called "Zlata," beyond the valley of the Pusta Ejeka, or 
Desert Eiver, and about four hours ride from Leskovac, was an ancient bridge, or 
dam, by which, according to the local tradition, the waters of a stream had been 
diverted from the Turkish besiegers of a stronghold that rose beside it. The 
village of Zlata itself turned out to be a wretched group of straw-thatched hovels, 
near which however were the remains of an old church, dedicated, according to 
tradition, to the Bogorodica (Theotokos), amongst the ruins of which I found part 
of a marble slab, containing a relief of a cross on a globe of singularly Eavennate 
aspect (see sketch-plan B). At the "West end of the village, on the slope of a hill 
which here rises above the stream, there were visible two high blocks of brick- 
work, which, on nearer inspection, proved to be parts of a Eoman gateway (see 
sketch-plan C), a part of the spring of the arch, of narrow bricks, being visible on 
one side. It was, in fact, the city gate, on the Naissus side the Porta Naissitana, 
of a considerable Eoman Oastrum, the plan of which can be best understood from 
the annexed sketch-plan. The outer wall of this Castrum climbs the hill above to 
the brink of a precipitous ravine to the North. This outer wall, the massive brick- 
work of which was still visible in places, stood in direct relation with the gateway. 
Beyond it, however, was what had been, in all probability, the original castrum, a 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 159 

ruined rectangle of the same brickwork, the approximate dimensions of which are 
given in my sketch-plan, the upper wall of which overlooked the Northern ravine. 
In the North-Bast corner of this were the remains of the oblong Prcetorium, 
colossal masses of brickwork and cement in boulder-like confusion. The Prcetorium 
occupied what was the most level, and at the same time the most commanding, 
part of the area of circumvallation. 

The most remarkable part, however, of this Roman civic settlement remains to 
be described. This was a huge brick wall running across a hollow watercourse a 
little below the remains of the gateway. This watercourse, which runs parallel to 
the lower or Southern wall of the Castrum, is formed by two brooks, known as 
the Zlata Potok and Zitni Potok, which flow into one another a little lower down 
the gully. The cross-wall itself is of extraordinary dimensions, gradually 
increasing from six to as nearly as possible twelve feet in thickness, and rising 
twenty feet above the bottom of the ravine. At one point it has been breached by 
the Zlata Potok, and it is not traceable beyond the second stream. It is composed 
of square flat bricks and cement, its upper surface presenting the appearance 
shown in fig. c. a method of construction which recalls Trajan's bridge-head at 
Turn Severin and the walls of Serdica. On the Eastern face are visible two semi- 
circular turret-like projections, which evidently served as buttresses, one of which 
is entered by a round arch and contains a small domed chamber. On the other 
side, almost choked with rubbish and just above the present level of the soil, is 
seen the top of a small arch communicating with a hollow space, too full of 
fragments to admit of my entering it. It is here that an Arnaout is said to have 
found a heap of gold, which, however, the genius of the spot woiild not permit 
him to remove; and from this tale of treasure-trove this place is called " Zlata,"- 
the plural form of " Gold." 

That this huge work, the colossal strength of which still impresses the 
spectator, was originally constructed to dam up the waters of the streams there 
can be no reasonable doubt. The natives called it " Stari Most " or the Old 
Bridge ; but the tradition already referred to, that it was built to divert the water 
from below, contains a real kernel of truth. That it may have also served as a 
bridge is probable enough, but the primary purpose of its massive construction 
was to form a dam ; and this fact accounts for its great thickness in the centre of 
the gully, where the pressure of the pent up waters would naturally be greatest. 
The Zlata brook has in fact only succeded in breaching it by attacking its wing, 
where the thickness of the wall is diminished by three or four feet, and where the 
support of the turret-buttresses is wanting. The practical object attained by this 

160 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

huge dam was also obvious enough. Its effect would be to secure a capacious 
reservoir of fresh water at a spot where, in summer, water is apt to be deficient. 
Both brooks were dry when I saw their channels in the month of July. A further 
proof of the connexion of the work with the water supply of the Roman town is 
to be found in a subterranean channel, now covered with earth and debris, leading 
from the Southern slope of the gully in the direction of the Castrum. 

The Castrum itself lies on a promontory of a low range of hills, tending 
directly in the direction of Nish, and exactly on the line formerly taken by 
the Roman road from Naissus to Ulpiana, and eventually to Lissus. Its distance 
from the site of Naissus squares almost to a mile with that of the second station 
on this road, the HAMMED, of the Tabula Peutingeriana, set down there as twenty 
miles distant from Naissus and six from the intermediate station, AD HERCVLEM, the 
Castrum Herculis of Jordanes. Theodemir the Amalung, the father of Theodoric, 
must therefore have passed through this station on his way to Ulpiana, at the 
same time as he passed through the preceding station. The name of Hammeo 
appears in the Geographer of Ravenna, the only other authority who mentions it, 
as ACMEON, which must probably be taken as the preferable form, and the 
identification of its site is especially pertinent to our present subject, since it was 
at this point that the junction took place between the two Roman road-lines Scupi- 
Naissus and Ulpiana-Naissus. 

The view from the Prastorium height is most commanding, and well brings out 
the relation of this Roman stronghold to the geography of the district. To the West 
rise the mountain mass of the Petrova Grora, dipping down to the left as if to indi- 
cate the pass formerly followed by the continuation of the Roman road to Ulpiana. 
On the other side of the same range runs an old road which still brings Zlata into 
connexion with Kursumlje and the Toplica valley. The general impression of 
the scene, the oblong well-marked Castrum on the height, overlooking to the 
North a precipitous ravine, and looking forth on the wild highlands beyond, 
strangely recalled one of the Wall Chesters of Britain ; and, considering the 
remains still extant above ground, an excavation would assuredly yield results not 
inferior to those obtained at Borcovicus or Cilurnum." 

a Since this account was written, I see that the ruins of Zlata are alluded to by Von Hahn 
(Beise von Belgrad nach Salonik, p. 55). On his way from 2/itni Potok to Leskovac, he passed the 
ruins of " Slata " the Albanian form of the Serb Zlata. He saw upon the hill the remains of an 
" TJmfassungs-mauer " of hard burnt brick and firm cement, and speaks of the remains of a bridge 
on both sides of the brook, by which he certainly refers to the dam. Hahn apparently had no 
opportunity to explore the remains further, but he noticed their Roman appearance and rightly 

Antiquarian Researches in Ulyricum. 


The antiquities of Naissus itself would deserve a separate investigation, and I 
must here content myself with a few passing observations. In his work on 
Danubian Bulgaria and the Balkan, Herr Kanitz has endeavoured to show that the 
actual site of Naissus was not to be sought, as had been hitherto believed, at Nish, 
the city which certainly preserves its name, but at the village of Brzibrod, three- 
quarters of a hour distant from Nish. a Here, on the left bank of the Nisava, 
Herr Kanitz discovered the remains of an ancient wall of circumvallation, and 
near it the foundations of an octagonal building, which was possibly a Christian 
baptistery. The identification of these remains with the ancient Naissus was 
however quite inconsistent with the position of that town on the right bank of the 
river as described in the recently discovered fragment of Priscus' history, 15 and 
the clearest evidence of the accuracy of Priscus' account is now to be seen in the 



Fig. 90. 

Fig. 97. 

brought them into connection with the Roman road from Naissus to Ulpiana. He learnt from an 
Arnaout Aga a local tradition that Sultan Murad had taken the stronghold from a certam Krahca 

(Queen) . 

Dmau-Bulgarim und der Balkan, Bd. 1, p. 157 seqq. (1875). 

- See Frag***, inedits de VlMarien grec Priscus recueiUis et pulhes parC. Wescher m Eevue 
Archeologique N.S. vol. xviii. (1868), p. 86 se W . Cf. Jirecek, Heerstrasse, p. 21. Pnscus, however, 
erroneously calls the river " the Danube." 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

" Grad " or fortress of Nish itself, where, as we know from "William of Tyre, the 
Mediaeval city stood. The result of the work of clearance effected within the 
older " Grad ", which stands on the Northern bank of the river opposite to the 
newer town on the Southern bank, has been to reveal large parts of the founda- 
tions of the Roman walls as well as the Southern or river gate of the ancient 
Naissus, the gate, namely, which seems to have been the chief object of Attila's 
attack. The foundations of this gate, flanked by two square towers, are to be seen 
about a hundred yards further from the river than the Turkish gate on this side. 
Many monuments and architectural fragments had also been unearthed during these 
military works, and by the kindness of the Serbian Commandant, General Benitsky, 
I was able to copy the two following hitherto unpublished inscriptions (figs. 96 
and 97). The first is a votive altar to Juno, the other an altar of the same 








Fig. 98. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 163 

description dedicated to Jupiter Optimus Maximus Labrandeus, or perhaps 
Liberator, by a certain Aur. Vitalis, who seems to have been a member of the 
O(rdo) Od(essitanus) the local Senate of Odessus on the Pontic shore. 

It is impossible to close this account without some reference to the neighbour- 
ing Municipium of Kemesiana, the next station South-East of Naissus on the great 
Military "Way that traversed the centre of the Peninsula, the site of which is at 
present occupied by the village of Bela Palanka." Here, walled into a house oppo- 
site the old Turkish Palanka, was an inscription (fig. 98) apparently recording the 
erection of a votive altar for the health of the Emperors Carus b and Carinus (in 
the year 283 therefore) by the province of Upper Moesia. 

Remesiana derives its chief historical interest from its bishop, St. Nicetas, 
who at the end of the fourth and beginning of the fifth century completed in the 
remotest glens of Hasmus and Rhodope that missionary work in the Illyrian 
Peninsula which St. Paul had begun. His labours of conversion, alike amongst 
the barbarian settlers in the new Cis-Danubian Dacia in which this city lay, and 
amongst the wild Bessian gold-miners of the Thracian highlands, are recorded in 
the Ode of his friend and contemporary St. Paullinus of Nola : 

" vices rerum, bene versa forma! 
Invii monies prius et cruenti 
Nunc tegunt versos monachis latrones 
Pacis alumnos .... 

Te patrem (licit plaga tota Bcrrse, 
Ad tuos fatus Scytha mitigatur, 
Et sibi discors fera te magistro 
Pectora ponit. 

Et Getsa currunt et uterque Dacus, 
Qui colit terras medio vel ille 
Divitis multo bove pileatus 

Accola ripaj d . . . . 

ft The Turkish Mustafa Pasha Palanka. 

b The part of the stone containing the name of Carus is broken off : the R . . I (the last letter 
doubtful) after CAKING is enigmatical. To restore KEGI would be too bold, though we recall 
Vopiscus' curious statement with regard to this Emperor " Regem denique ilium Illyrici plerique 
vocitarunt " (Vop. Carinus). 

c 8. Paulini Nolensis, c. xxx, De Nicetee reditu in Daciam, written about the year 398. 

d i. e. the Provincials of Dacia Mediterranea and Dacia Bipensis. Remesiana itself was in Dacia 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

Callidos auri legulos in aunim 
Vertis, et Bessos imitaris ipse, 
E quibus vivum, fodiente verbo, 
Eruis aurum." 

Of the position of Remesiana, lying on the Via Militaris, twenty-four miles 
distant from Naissus, there can be no doubt, though it is remarkable that two 
monuments discovered on this site tend to show that, under the earlier Empire at 
least, the official name assumed by this Roman city, which, like so many others of 
this region, seems to have looked to Trajan as its founder, was Respublica 

Several traces are still visible of St. Nicetas' city. The old Turkish 
" palanka," an oblong castrum with a Northern and Southern gate and bastion 
towers at the angles, has like those already described at Niksid, b Sijenica, and 
elsewhere a singularly Roman aspect. The walls themselves are largely com- 
posed of squared blocks and tiles from the ancient city, and are certainly partly 
built on older foundations, which are also traceable in a case of ruined wall, 
which forms a continuation of the Western side of the " palanka." I further 
learnt that some workmen in recently building a house outside the North-Eastern 
tower had come upon extensive foundations of an ancient building, then unfor- 
tunately no longer exposed to view. I was shown, however, a marble fragment 

1 [[US 

Fig. 99. 

" C. I. L. III. p. 268 (No. 1685, 1686). This site, as Mommsen justly observes, must not be 
confounded with that of the Dardanian Ulpiana. 
b See Archaeologia, vol. XLVIII. p. 86-7. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 165 

discovered amongst these foundations, which proved to be of the highest interest 
in connexion with the Christian traditions of Ramesiana. It contained part of 
a Eoman inscription judging from the characters of fourth or fifth century 
date, and evidently relating to the dedication of a church, which may well have 
been the actual church of St. Nicetas. 

The inscription in its present state is too imperfect to admit of confidence in its 
completion. That it contained the names of St. Peter and St. Paul may however 
be regarded as certain, and from their names appearing in the nominative case, 
we may look for some kind of invocation. It is to be observed that, in the case 
of the recently-discovered dedication slab above the door of the Christian basilica of 
Salonae the only Illyrian parallel that I can recall we find an invocation of divine 
protection on the Roman Commonwealth, then synonymous with Christendom ; a 
and it may, perhaps, be inferred that this was an invocation of the same kind, in 
which St. Peter and St. Paul were called on to protect the Church of Christ in 
general and the Church of Remesiana in particular. I would, therefore, venture 
to suggest some such restoration as the following : 


The dedication to St. Peter and St. Paul has a special interest in relation to 
the close ecclesiastical connexion subsisting between Illyricum and the Apostolic 
See. The Illyrian Bishops, through their metropolitan, continued to acknowledge 
the authority of the Bishops of Rome to the very moment of the Slavonic con- 
quest, and Justinian himself, in his new civil and ecclesiastical settlement of 
Illyricum, ratified this arrangement. In the controversies of the Age we find the 
Bishops of the Roman cities of Dacia Mediterranea, to which Remesiana belonged, 
fighting the battles of Western orthodoxy against the Byzantine East ; and the 
personal relations of St. Nicetas himself with Italy are only another symptom of 
the solidarity of Latin-speaking Illyricum with the cities of Latin Christianity. 
The coupling of the two apostolic names in early dedications is repeated in the 
case of the Church of St. Peter in the Aliscamps at Aries," of Loja in Spain, of 



" De Rossi: (Bullettino di Archeologia Cristiana, 1874, p. 145), seqq., where see also the dedica- 
tion of S. Pietro in Vincoli. 
c Op. cit. 1878, p. 37. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

the basilica built by Justinian, before his accession, at Constantinople, 2 and in that 
of the Eoman basilica of 8. Pietro in Vincoli, on which its founder, " Xystus,"- 
in other words, Pope Sixtus III. (432 440 A.D.) inscribed the dedicatory lines : 




At Pirot, a few hours further on the Roman Via Militaris, the course of which 
a raised causeway, often overgrown with brushwood, and flanked by two lateral 

Fig. 100. 

a Op. cit. 1872, p. 14. The Legates of the Apostolic See in the East wrote to Pope Hormisdtis in 
519, that Justinian, then Comes, " basilicam Sanctorum Apostolorum (Petriet Pauli) constituit, in qua 
desiderat et beati Lawrentii Martyris reliquias esse," &c. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 167 

ditches is clearly visible, crossing, recrossing, and at times coalescing, with the 
modern road that traverses the pass above the site of Remesiana, I was so fortunate 
as to come upon some further relics of Roman Christianity. In the suburbs of this 
town, beneath the floor of the small, half-ruinous Church of St. John the Divine, 
the foundations of what had evidently been a far earlier church had recently 
been uncovered. Visiting the spot, I observed some Roman tilework, of much 
the same character as that of Zlata, and was shown a curious relic of the early 
prae-Slavonic Christianity of the spot, a bronze Corona suspended from a cross, 
fragments of the glass, bell-shaped lamps, which it had once supported, and 
another small detached cross, also of bronze. The shape of the crosses bears an 
obvious resemblance to those on the dedicatory slab from Remesiana, and both 
may be safely referred to the same period. 

With the mention of these Christian relics from the scenes of St. Nicetas' 
labours, I may conclude my present investigation into the antiquities of a region 
the Roman highways of which were trodden by the pilgrim feet of this last of 
the Illyrian Apostles. St. Paulinus of Nola, in his Ode, already quoted, on St. 
Nicetas' return from Italy to his New Dacian home at Remesiana, distinctly traces 
his journey to Thessalonica by sea, thence by the highroad up the Axios Valley to 
Stobi, and thus to Scupi, the cross-line from which city to Naissus gave him easy 
access to his own See. 

" Ibis Arctoos proctil usque Dacos, 
Ibis Epiro gemina videnclus, 
Et per JSgeos penetrabis sestus 

Thessalonicen .... 

Tu Philippseos a Macetum per agros 
Tu Stobitanam b gradieris urbeni 
Ibis et Scupos patrise propinquos, 
Dardanus hospes." 

a Here Philippceos is to be taken not as referring to Philippi, but as an epitheton ornans for 
Macedonia in general. Thessalonica was the special city referred to. 

Accepting Pagius' admirable emendation, " Stobitanam " for " Tomitanam." Tomi lay far 
away from any possible line of route that St. Nicetas could have taken. 

II. Architectural Features of the City of Ardea. By JOHN HENBY PARKER, G.B., 

Hon. M.A. Oxon., F.S.A. 

Read May 27, 1880. 


THE original City or fortress of Ardea was built upon a rock on tlie coast of 
the Mediterranean, although the sea has receded so much in that part that it is 
now three miles off. This is equally the case at Ostia, at the mouth of the 
Tiber, which is not many miles from Ardea. It is extremely probable that this 
was among the earliest settlements of the Greeks in that part of Italy, which 
afterwards came to be called Magna Graecia, although many modern critics will 
not allow this. According to my ideas, in all these cases of early settlements the 
walls themselves afford better evidence than anything that has been written about 
them, because these settlements were made and the walls were built centuries 
before the use of writing. The comparison of a score of examples of existing 
remains therefore tells more of true history than any verbal criticism can do. 

The town is situated in the valley called dell' Incastro, from the name of a 
small river formed by the union of several streams between two hills of volcanic 
tufa called Banditella or Focignano, between which is a third, still bearing the name 
of Ardea. 

This name is mentioned by Servius, in his Commentary on the Aeneid, where he 
says it was so called from the height and importance of the city ; but Hyginus 
says the name was taken from the bird which we call the heron. The version of 
the early history given by Virgil in his Aeneid, especially when explained by the 
excellent Commentary of Servius, always adds greatly to the interest of it. The 
following are the words of Virgil, which perhaps it is better not to translate : 

170 Architectural Features of the City of Ardea. 

Postquam visa satis primes acuisse furores, 

Consiliumque omnemque domum vertisse Latini ; 

Protenus hinc fuscis tristis dea tollitur alis 

Audacis Rutuli ad muros : quam dicitur urbem 

Acrisioneis Danae fundasse colonis, 

Praecipiti delata noto. Locus Ardea quondam 

Dictus avis : et nunc magnum manet Ardea nomen ; 

Sed fortuna fuit. Tectis hie Turnus in altis 

Jam mediam nigra carpebat nocte quietem. Aeneid, vii. 406 414. 

The Commentary of Servius is as follows : 

Danae, Acrisii regis Argivorum filia, postquam est a Jove vitiata, pater earn intra arcam 
inclusam praecipitavit in mare ; quae delata ad Italiam inventa est a piscatore cum Perseo, quern 
illic enixa fuerat, et oblata regi [Pilumno] qui earn sibi fecit uxorem ; cum qua etiam Ardeam 
condidit, a quibus Turnum vult originem ducere. 

The hill of Ardea is of a square form and nearly three miles in circuit, it is 
almost entirely isolated and fortified in the best manner of the ancient system of 
fortification, like that called in Eome the " Walls of the Kings." The same 
system was used everywhere at the same period, where the building material 
was the same. In some districts the hard stone will only split into polygonal 
blocks instead of the oblong form, which the soft tufa naturally takes, but 
there is no reason to suppose that the one is earlier than the other on that 
account ; the saw was not used in either until a later period. It was long sup- 
posed that polygonal masonry was always earlier than quadrangular, but 
an examination of the quarries from which the stone is taken explains the real 
cause of this difference of construction. There are quarries of both kinds 
within a few miles of Rome; the most usual is the soft tufa, or the harder 
kind of tufa with a rough surface called p&permo, from the resemblance to 
pepper-corns of the small knobs in it. This kind is generally found on the Alban 
hills ; there are fine ancient quarries of it near Marino, and near the great tomb of 
Cecilia Metella, about two miles from Borne, there is a quarry of the hard kind 
called silex, or in Italian selce ; this is used for paving-stones, and seems ever- 
lasting. The word silex is commonly translated flint ; it is as hard as flint, but is 
not like it in any other respect. A stream of lava from the great volcano on the 
hill at Alba (the crater of which now forms the Lake of Albano) ran across the 
Campagna for several miles, and forms the hill on which that great tomb stands. 
Tufa is formed of the volcanic dust from the same volcano, similar to what over- 
whelmed Pompeii, condensed by exposure to moisture in the course of ages. 

Architectural Features of the City of Ardea. 171 


Three accompanying Plates show a Plan and Section of the City, and the 
following four views of it, namely : 
The Bast Side. 

The Angle formed by the Bast and North Sides. 
The Exterior of the Gate. 
The Interior of the "Walls, North- West Side. 

The first view shows the general character of the construction of the walls, which 
is of the earliest type that is known anywhere ; it is what Yitruvius calls opus 
quadratum, but of the rudest character where cut stone is used at all. The same 
general character prevails in all the early cities on the hills of Italy, and, I am 
informed, of Greece also ; I have never seen these, but well-informed persons who 
have seen them tell me that the character is the same, although the stones are 
often larger this of course depends upon the building material the quarries 
from which the stone is taken. At Athens I understand that the rock of the 
Acropolis is solid marble, which accounts for the Grecian style of architecture ; in 
many districts it would be impossible to get such large stones as are necessary for 
Grecian columns or entablatures. The Roman tradition is that the Walls of the 
Kings in Rome were in the first instance copied from those of Ardea by the 
Etruscan kings, and that the other cities of Btruria copied the construction from 
Rome, not Rome from them. This may be all fancy, but the tradition is a singular 

In this view the square projecting tower has been rebuilt of the old materials 
at some later period, probably after having been partially destroyed by the 
battering-ram. We see this because the joints between the stones are fine or 
close ; in the earliest construction they are always wide or thick, as they are in 
other parts of the walls here visible, and throughout the wall of the original city, 
now the citadel, and where the mediaeval and modern village is situated." 

The second view shows an angle of the wall of the original city, in which the 
construction of opus quadratum comes out very clearly, and where the herbage 
also gives some idea of how much this very ancient city is concealed by the trees 
and shrubs, and, in the valleys, by the canes, which are often six feet high. This 
has made it impossible to get photographs of the original gate and the embank- 
ment, with a road up to it, which Professor Cicconetti made out distinctly ; he was 

a The use of mortar also indicates a comparatively late date. 


172 Architectural Features of the City of Ardea. 

at Ardea to make the plans and sections three or four days I was only there a 
few hours myself with my friend Mr. Pullan, whose knowledge of eastern cities 
made his opinions very useful. We both agreed as to the antiquity and impor- 
tance of Ardea, and intended to go there again with more time at our disposal ; 
but this was during my last season in Rome, and the doctors forbid my going 
there again ; I could therefore only send Mr. Cicconetti to make a survey of it, 
with a photographer to take such photographs as he found practicable. The place 
appears to me to be one to which the attention of the Fellows of our Society 
should be directed as one of the landmarks of history, and the views give them a 
good idea of its present state. It seldom happens that we have such a combination 
of important remains with so much history, excepting always the case of Rome 
itself ; but there the ancient walls are so much disguised by modern work that it 
is not easy for beginners to distinguish them : here there is nothing to mislead ; we 
have the time of the Kings of Rome very clearly brought out before vis, not mixed 
with anything but what nature has done in the course of so many centuries. 

The third view shows the present gateway, which is mediaeval, inserted in the 
old wall, but in all probability it replaces an old postern gate, at least of the time of 
the Roman occupation, as there could be no other connection between the ancient 
citadel of the Rutuli and the Roman city without going a mile round. Professor 
Cicconetti says that the only entrance to the original city was at the opposite end, 
on the high ground or top of the rock, with an embankment to lead up to it, and 
a draw -bridge over the stream at the foot of the rock ; but at the time of the 
Roman city there must have been a postern-gate here to communicate with it. On 
the left hand the mediaeval church is seen in the distance. 

The fourth view is taken just within the gate, and shows the two roads up 
the hill, one on either side of the church. These roads were originally made 
for horsemen only, and the one to the right is still inaccessible for carriages, but 
the one to the left has been made easy for carriages up to the door of the palace 
at the top of the cliff by cutting away a good deal of the rock. To the left of this 
view part of the interior of the wall is seen at the point where the station for the 
archer remains. 

The site is divided into three parts. The first to the south is the most formidable, 
and was the ancient city of the Argivi. It was the metropolis of the Rutuli, and 
the citadel of the Roman colony ; this is now the Castle of Ardea. The second 
part, which is in the middle, has the name of Civita Vecchia, because it was said by 
tradition to have been the old city. The third part to the north is smaller, and 
was an addition. The ancient citadel, or acropolis, is now the site of the modern 


Vol. XLIX 

"if a 

a, Castle- of Ardea. 

b, Civitu VerfJtia/. 

c, Ancient WuU, of Tufa, . 

d, Gate/. 

f. Church,. 


J Akernian Photo- iith 


I. Plan of the City. II Section looking South. 

PuJbliehed, by the- Society of Antujiuu-ws of London, 1885. 


Vol. XLIX. 

J Akeriuap Photo-lif 

East Side. 

East Side. 

gw^-v *?.' T?^rPr?' ^?*.^^ 


North Side. 

by the- Society o 

of .London- 7885. 


Vol. XLIX. 

Exterior of the Gate. 

Interior of the Walls, North West Side. 


Published, by the Society of AnUqiLCirUe of London, 1885. 

J Akerman Photo.-llth. 

Architectural Features of the City of Ardea. 173 

village ; this is only accessible from the south, where the rock is rather lower than 
in other parts, and the road has been cut up to the level of the platform above, on 
which stands the mediaeval church and palace of the Cesarini family. On the 
north side the natural position is very strong, on a lofty cliff of rocks, scarped in 
parts to make it more vertical ; on the edge of the cliff is a wall of the massive 
blocks of tufa usual in the time of the Kings (first and second views). This is said 
to be the type followed in the wall of Servius Tullius, but it is in fact the general 
character of that early period. The present gate of Ardea is the work of the 
Colonnas in the fifteenth century, and the baronial palace adjoining to it is of the 
same period (third view), but the stone of which the gate is made belonged to 
the ancient gate. Four roads or streets cross the village, and it is evident that 
the rock has been cut to make them, as some ancient caves are cut through ; these 
caves or subterranean chambers were probably granaries. These cave granaries 
bear a remarkable resemblance to some in a Buddhist fortification, of which an 
engraving is given in the Proceedings of the Royal Institute of British Architects for 
1879 ; and to others in the very ancient British village, foimd at Standlake, near 
Stanton-Harcourt, in Oxfordshire, a few years since, of which there is a model in 
the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. There are small windows in them, or these may 
perhaps be loopholes for archers only. There are no remains of ancient buildings, 
excepting the foundations of the church of S. Peter (fourth view), which are of the 
eighth century of Eome, or the first of the Empire, and of the Christian era. The 
present church is said to be of the thirteenth century, but is a very poor one for 
that period. Near the church is an ancient cippus with the inscription of Manius 

D M 




Near this is also the basement of an ancient temple, supposed to have been the 
celebrated temple of Juno mentioned by Pliny, who says that there were paintings 
in it of M. Ludius Helota, with an inscription of the year of Home 564. Pliny 
also says that there were several temples at Ardea, in which there had been 
several paintings, but which had no roofs in his time : 

But already in fact had the art of painting been perfectly developed in Italy. At all events 
there are extant in the temples at Ardea at this day paintings of greater antiquity than Eome 
itself; in which, in my opinion, nothing is more marvellous than that they should have remained 
so long unprotected by a roof and yet preserving their freshness. (Plinii Nat. Hist. xxxv. 6.) 

174 Architectural Features of the City of Ardea. 

It would not be right to pass in silence the painter of the temple at Ardea, the more 
particularly as he was honoured with the citizenship at that place, and with the following inscrip- 
tion in verse upon one of the paintings which he executed there : 

These paintings, worthy of this worthy place, 
Temple of Juno, queen, and wife of Jove, 
Plautius Marcus, from Alalia, made. 
May Ardea now and ever praise him for his skill. 

These lines are written in ancient Latin characters." (Plinii Nat. Hist. xxxv. 37.) 

It is believed that if excavations were made in that part of Ardea called Civita 
Vecchia remains of ancient houses and temples would be found. Pliny in another 
place mentions the public palace of Ardea, Aedes Piillica. 


Ardea is the most perfect ancient city remaining near Eome. The walls are 
built of large blocks of tufa in quadrangular masonry, in the same style as those of 
Roma quadrata, of Veii, Tusculum Volterra, Fiesole, and so many other ancient 
cities which retain parts of their primitive fortifications, but none are so perfect 
as those of Ardea shown in the accompanying views. The present gate is at the 
south-west corner (third view), and two zigzag roads or streets diverge from it 
to the right and left to the summit, passing on either side of the church, which 
stands on a higher part of the rock in front of the gate (fourth view). This 
church is entirely modernized, and part of it turned into dwellings, but it has an 
apse and the walls belong to a building of the twelfth (?) or thirteenth (?) century, 
and it has a modern bell-cot or a wall with holes for the bells; it probably 
occupies the site of an old temple. The palace of the Cesarini family occupies the 
summit of the rock at the east end of the citadel; it is for the most part 
modernized, but has Gluelphic battlements of the fourteenth or fifteenth century, 
and the walls are mostly of the same period. This protected the approach to the 
present gate, which probably was a postern, and the road to the right led up to 
the palace. The platform on which the village stands is quite fifty feet high, and 

a For the various readings of this passage see Smith's Diets. Gr. and Bom. Geogr. " Ardea," and 
Biogr. " Ludius." 

Architectural Features of the City of Ardea. 175 

the walls were built round this where they were wanted, chiefly on the left hand 
in going up from the gate, and in this part there is an embrasure apparently for 
both a catapult and a balista. The rock has evidently been cut away in such a 
manner as to make a triangular recess, on each side of which is an aperture for 
placing some military engine, exactly as cannon would be placed in modern times. 
This embrasure is thirty feet above the level of the ground on the exterior ; on the 
inner side it is on the slope of the road as it descends the hill. 

Some modern German writers do not admit the truth of the narrative given by 
Virgil, Strabo, Solinus, and Pliny 

We will begin with Ostia, a colony founded by a king of Rome, the town of Laurentum, the 
grove of Jupiter Indiges, the river Numicius, and Ardea, founded by Danae, the mother of 

of the Greek origin of this very early city ; but the history rests upon the same 
authority as all other history of that period, which was before the use of writing ; 
therefore we cannot have any contemporaneous written history. 

M. Petit Radel, in L'Histoire des temps historiques de la Grece, p. 154, considers 
the epoch of that foundation to be about 1400 B.C. This agrees with Solinus, 
Poli/hist., c. viii. 

On account of the veneration which the inhabitants of Ardea had for Juno, the 
goddess of the Argives, they dedicated their principal temple to her. 

In the Bulletino del Institute de Correspondenza Archeologica, 1845, pp. 214-218, 
Signor Campagna, in describing a magnificent vase found at Cere (Cervetri), on 
which are represented the adventures of Danae, shows that it is a representation 
of the myth of Danae with the foundation of Ardea. 

Being situated in a fertile territory, and having a large maritime commerce, 
Ardea became a powerful city, and sent colonies even into Spain, who, with the 
Zacynthii, built the city of Saguntum, which was afterwards attacked by 

Virgil relates that Turnus, King of the Eutuli, was killed by Aeneas. It 
seems chat after the death of Turnus the Eutuli abolished royal government. 
Tarquinius Superbus went to war with Ardea because it had given hospitality to 
the refugees from Rome, according to Dionysius, or rather on account of its riches, 

Plinii Nat. Hist. iii. 9. " Livy, Hist. xxi. 7. 

176 Architectural Features of the City of Ardea. 

according to Livy ; a this was eventually the cause of the downfall of monarchy 
in Rome, because from the siege of Ardea the son of the king sent to Collatia to 
find Lucretia. 

After the expulsion of the kings from Rome, the Romans made a truce with 
Ardea for fifteen years, and from that time it always remained a firm friend to 
Rome ; for that reason the Romans, in A.TJ.C. 247, when they made a treaty with 
the Carthaginians, made it a condition that their ships should not damage those of 
Ardea. This is stated by Polybius (lib. iii. c. 22), but his authority is doubtful as 
to its early date. 

"When Rome was taken by the Gauls M . Furius Camillus was exiled to Ardea : 
he returned to Rome in A.U.C. 365, to drive out the barbarians, as we are told by 
Livy. b He also mentions Ardea in other places ; b it was reckoned as one of the 
thirty Roman colonies of which the inhabitants ranked as citizens of Rome ; bxit 
twelve of these, of which Ardea was one, were not willing to comply with the 
conditions, and the consuls remonstrated with them in A.U.C. 543, reminding them 
that they were Romans, and owed to the present State natural affection and 
gratitude ; but they refused to yield to these considerations. This was at the 
time that Hannibal was preparing to attack Rome. 

Five years afterwards ten of the principal inhabitants were summoned to 
Rome by the Senate, and they were ordered to supply double the number of 
soldiers they had ever sent before ; they raised all the difficulty they could, but 
eventually the number of soldiers were sent. 1 ' Again, in the year of Rome 566, 
Minius Serrinius was sent to Ardea to be kept in ciistody there. 6 

Strabo relates that in the wars of Sylla the Samnite soldiers besieged Ardea.' 
The same author mentions the malaria in the climate of Ardea during the summer 
months, for which it still has a bad name, and it seems always to have been so, 
for it is mentioned by Seneca g and by Martial. 11 The Emperor Hadrian ordered a 
new census to be made of the colony of Ardea. 1 As no inscriptions of that period 
have been found there, it is supposed that Ardea was already deserted as early as 
the second century. 

The Roman city is at a considerably lower level than this arx or citadel, and 

a Livii Hist. 1. 57. b Livii Hist. v. 43. c Ibid, xxvii. 9. 

d Ibid. xxix. 15. e Ibid, xxxix. 19. f Strabo lib. v. 

* Epist. 105. h Martialis Ep. iv. 60. ' Vide Frontinus de Coloniis. 

Architectural Features of the City of Ardea. 177 

is more extensive ; there are some remains of the walls built against cliffs and 
faced with opus reticulatum, which mark them to belong to the first century of the 
Christian era, or certainly between the time of Sylla and Hadrian, and I am 
informed by Signer Cicconetti, who made the plan and section for me, that this is 
of the earliest type of opus reticulatum, that is of the time of Sylla, which is 
probably the time when the Roman city was built, which is now popularly called 
Civita Vecchia, or the old city. This name was probably given in the middle ages, 
when, after having been entirely deserted, a palace was built and a village was 
made, in what had been the citadel in the time of the Roman occupation, and had 
been originally the city of the Rutuli. 


In the middle ages Ardea must have been of far more importance than it is now, 
but the notices of it are slight. Nibby conjectures that it had been destroyed by 
the barbarians, more especially the Saracens, as being near the sea. When they 
ascended to Rome in the ninth century and destroyed the churches of S. Peter 
and S. Paul, almost at the gates of Rome, and in A.D. 840 went up almost as far 
as Subiaco, it is not likely that a place so near the coast as Ardea escaped them ; 
it is probable that that part of the city which goes by the name of Civita Vecchia, 
or the old city, was destroyed at that period, and that the remaining inhabitants 
then defended themselves in the ancient acropolis or citadel, which is in a very 
strong position, and must have been originally almost impregnable. In A.D. 1074 
half of the castle of Ardea with its fortifications belonged to the Monks of S. Paul 
outside of the walls of Rome. This is mentioned in the Constitution of Pope 
Gregory VII. a A bull of Pope Anacletus II. of A.D. 1130 mentions that these 
monks held the whole city of Ardeatina." In the middle of the thirteenth century 
Ardea was occupied by a monk of S. Paul called Nicolaus, and by Giordanus 
Orsini, but in the year 1265 Clement VI. restored it to the Monastery of S. Paul. 

" " Medietatem castelli Avdeae cum rocea sua et turre majore cum omnibus suis pertincntiis." 
Constit. Greg. VII. 
Codd. Vat. 7997. 


178 Architectural Features of tlie City of Ardea. 

In December, 1738, the anti-pope, Clement VII., gave Genzano with the chateau 
or palace and castle of Ardea and other fiefs to Jordanus Orsini." 

Pope Urban VI. sold Ardea for 13,000 florins to Jacovellus Orsini, but his son 
of the name of John restored it to the monastery of S. Paul for 10,000 florins. This 
restitution took place in 1395, four years after the death of John. Innocent VII. 
gave Ardea to the apostolic chamber, under the government of James de Indilinis, 
canon of S. Peter's, by a bull. 1 ' Afterwards Ardea was in the power of Raymond 
Orsini, Count of Nola; it was taken from him by Pope Martin V., who restored it 
to the Roman Church. But under the government of the same Pope, J. A. 
Colonna had possession of this fief, and that family still had the palace there in 
1501, when Alexander VI. gave it to Roderic Borgia of Aragon, Duke of Vesello, 
in a celebrated bull which was published entire for the first time by A. R. De 
Mollo.' 1 After the death of Alexander VI. the Colonna family remained in power 
at Ardea ; in 1556 and 1557, the soldiers of the Duke of Elba occupied the 
castle ; at last in 1564, Marco Antonio Colonna soid Civita Lavinia and Ardea to 
Juliano Cesarini for 105,000 crowns, and the family of Cesarini still hold it. But 
Ardea is no longer a separate fief, being united with Grenzano. 


There are two roads from Rome to Ardea at the present time. That 
commonly used is, to go by the railway to the Albano station, and then across 
country direct to Ardea ; but for three miles this road is quite impracticable for 
carriages, and can only be used on foot or on a donkey, except by a detour 
which makes the road three or four miles longer. The direct road passes by Lonti 
di Papa, and the Via di Porto D'Anzio, which makes about eight miles, and the 
latter part is practicable for a carriage, but in the previous part it has to cross 
several ravines. 

A more direct road from Rome is not to make use of the railway at all, but 
pass by the church and monastery of S. Paul to the Three Fountains (Ad Aquas 
Salvias), passing by the grotto and the Solfatara, at which was the oracle of 

a Nicolas Eatti, Storia di Genzano, nella stamperia Salomoni, MDCCXCVII., in No. 5 of tlio 
Documents belonging to that anti-pope. 
b Antiq. i. 377 ; et in Novis, iv. 60. 

c Bulla Martini V. in Antiq. ii. Officior. 44 ; in Nov. vii. 68. 
11 Gori, Archivio Storico, vol. ii. fasc. 1, pp. 99-109. 

Architectural Features of the City of Ardea. 1 79 

Faunus described by Virgil ; a this road is twenty-three miles long, and is practi- 
cable in a carriage. 

The ancient Via Ardeatina went out at the Porta Ardeatina in the wall of 
Aurelian, where the gateway of the first century still exists, but has long been 
closed ; it can then be traced through the vineyard for about a mile to its junction 
with the Via Appia, close to the chapel of Domine quo Vadis and the tomb of 
Priscilla. The Via Appia is shewn to have been a later road than the Via 
Ardeatina, as it deviates from that point to make room for the tombs by the side 
of the old road. The two roads were made to meet at that point in order to make 
use of the same bridge over the river Almo, now called Aqua Saccio, and going to 
the right passes by the Tor Marancia close by the catacomb of SS. Nereus and 
Achilleus, in a part where in 1827 the Duchess of Chablais made excavations and 
found many works of ancient art, which are now in the Vatican Museum. This 
ancient road was twenty-four miles long, and is marked upon the map given by 
Canina. b The ancient pavement remains the greater part of the distance, though 
in a very neglected state. 

a Virgilii Aencid. 1. vii. '' Itomn A niton, vol. vi. pi. vi. 

2 A 2 

HI. Typical Specimens of Cornish Barrows, By WILLIAM COPELAND BOKLASE, 

M.P., F.8.A. 

Read Feb. 3, 1881. 

THE coast-line of the extremity of Western Cornwall has been so often laid under 
contribution of late by the artist's pencil, that its general features are familar to 
many who have never paid the country a personal visit. The fantastic forms 
which the weather-worn granite assumes as it rears itself in bosses (or " karns " 
as they are locally termed) between the deeply-cleft gullies down which the 
streams of red mine-water find their broken way, are the characteristics of that 
portion of the cliff which, lying between the promontories of the Land's End and 
Cape Cornwall, are turned most directly towards the setting sun. It is along this 
line of coast some six or seven miles in extent that the stone cairns which 
formed the burying-places of an early population are found in greater abundance 
than is the case in any other portion of the district. Along this same strip of 
sea-board are no less than three of those fortifications known as cliff castles, 
defended in each case by lines of ramparts crossing the necks of headlands from 
side to side, terminating at either end in the abrupt precipice of the cliff, and 
always intended to resist attack from the land side. Within these lines stone 
cairns are frequently found a fact which seems to point to the conclusion that 
the latter are the more recent of the two ; since, were it not so, the castle-builders 
would have availed themselves of the pile of stone already on the spot and ready 
to their hand. I may here mention that in a bank of stone contiguous to, and 
perhaps a portion of, one of these cliff castles that at Kenidjack a workman 
recently found and brought to me two remarkably fine bronze socket-celts. With 
them was a broken paalstab, a piece of bronze cast off from the mould, a quantity 
of well-smelted copper, and some roughly-smelted tin. 

But not only in ancient times was every promontory on this coast crowned by 
a conical tomb, consisting of a basement of large slabs set on edge, containing and 

182 Typical Specimens of Cornish Barrows. 

supporting a heap of smaller stones, which covered in general a chamber within 
(for such was undoubtedly the pristine form of the cairns along the cliffs) ; but 
each natural granite boss was itself surmounted by its group of these little 
burying-places, while the cliffs and hill-tops above and further inland (wherever 
indeed an aspect ranging from south-east to south-west could be secured, for in 
other situations they are invariably absent) were studded with lines or groups of 
larger mounds, of which alone such traces remain as have survived the quarrying 
powers of those masons and hedgers who have used them continuously for the 
purposes of their work, from the commencement of Cornish agriculture in the 
reign of Elizabeth until the present day. 

And here the question may well arise, " Why is it that this narrow tract of 
western land is so much more thickly strewn than other districts with the monu- 
ments of the dead ? " The same phenomenon is, I believe, to be observed along 
the western shores in Ireland and in Brittany ; and if, as it is much to be wished, 
the coasts of Spain and Portugal could contribute their quota of evidence as well, 
it is possible that there also the same would be the case. It can scarcely be 
accidental. The internal arrangement of the mounds presents, as I presently 
hope to point out, the same marked preference on the part of their constructors 
for the self-same side. Canon Greenwell and other English explorers have noted 
the same result. Does it, it may be asked, mark an intelligent preference, based 
on a worship of nature such as was known to the Aryan nations of the East, and 
is still known to the Maoris and the Red Indians for the death-quarter the side 
of the setting sun ? Was it for this object that these primitive people brought 
down their dead to burn them on the utmost limit of the western shore ? Does 
it, on the other hand, point only to the survival of a superstitious custom, the 
outcome of an earlier form of worship ? A line of four holed-stones in the moor- 
land above this cliff of which I am speaking points due east and west ; as does 
also the well-known Maen-an-tol, with its shadow-stone on either side both of 
which monuments Mr. Lukis has carefully planned. Superstitions connected with 
the sun and with these holed-stones are still prevalent in the country. While I 
admit that the means are not at our disposal, and probably never can be, 
adequately to answer these questions, I must add that the invariable recurrence in 
cairn after cairn of the same arrangement, left in my own mind a presumption in 
favour of the plan having been dictated by a precedent derived from some more or 
less definite form of early faith. But, as my object is not to offer a theory, but to 
present a plain unvarnished record of facts, I will pass from this subject, and 
proceed to select from among upwards of two hundred sepulchral mounds of 

Typical Specimens of Cornish Barrows. 


various kinds, which I have examined in the county, a few typical specimens from 
the district to which I have referred; and I will begin by noticing the structure 
and contents of a few of the smaller cairns on the cliff. 

Four specimens on the estate of Boscregan, which in Cornish signifies " the 
dwelling by the ' crigs ' or cairns," will perhaps best serve for the purpose of 
description, since they are situated within a few yards of each other, are all of 
different type, and have all been thoroughly explored. 

Figs. 1 and 2 are on the summit of a natural granite boss known as Karn 
Leskys, that is to say, " rock of burning," so called, as we may suppose, not on 
account of any survival of a tradition of the funeral piles which once were lighted 
there, but from the beacons which have blazed there since. The two little circles 
given in the plan are contiguous ; they lie in a direction due east and west, and 
the faint traces of a third are to be found at the distance of a few paces to the 
south. The westernmost circle of the two consists of a ring of earth and stone 
eighteen feet in diameter, but only twelve inches in height above ground. It 
enclosed an area slightly sunk, in the centre of which was a little hillock eighteen 
inches high. On cutting through this circle nothing was found in the outer ring, 
but the remains of a low wall were brought to light surrounding the central heap, 
which proved to be a pile of small round pebbles from the beach below. The other 

Fig. 1. 


Fig. 2. 

circle, however, which joined it on the eastern side, had been hedged round, as is 
the almost invariable rule, with a ring of contiguous granite blocks, most of which 
were still in their place. They inclosed a bank of earth and. stone two feet in 
height, the upper portion of the tumulus having been, removed by stone carriers. 
The diameter was, as in the adjoining circle, eighteen feet. I drove a trench to 
the middle, and laid bare the rough wall of an inner ring, six feet in diameter. 


Typical Specimens of Cornish Barrows. 

Within this, arranged all round the area, for there was nothing in the actual 
centre, were no less than ten separate deposits of pottery, comprising the greater 
portions of seven sepulchral urns. Their bases, most of which were perfect (the 
vessels having been crushed in by pressure from above, at the time probably 
when the stones which may have formed cists round them were removed) rested 
on the natural soil, though it is probable that in a few cases (where the bottoms 
were not found) the urns themselves had been inverted. The largest vessel had 
been placed on the western side of the ring. When perfect it cannot have been 
less than from nineteen to twenty inches high, with a diameter of fifteen inches at 
the mouth, being therefore the largest sepulchral urn (with one exception presently 
to be noticed) yet found in Cornwall. The pottery is five-eighths of an inch thick, 
and it is hard baked : the clay is full of the decomposed granite of the district ; 
it is black in the centre, but of a yellowish colour externally. On either side, 
three inches below the rim, is a perforated handle three inches broad, and the 
same in length. On a line with this handle (which feature I may here say is the 
most distinguishing characteristic of Cornish urns) a bulge runs round the vessel, 
not of the heavy type known in Dorsetshire, but giving additional symmetry to 
the whole and from this point downwards the urn tapers away to a base nine 
inches in diameter. The whole of the upper portion of the urn was ornamented 
with a laureated chevron pattern arranged perpendicularly, and this pattern, as is 
usual, extended over the handles as well. Adhering to the interior was a quantity 



of burnt human bone the remains of an adult, mixed with charcoal and ashes. 
While separating the fragments in order to restore [it, I made the interesting 

Typical Specimens of Cornish Barrows. 185 

discovery that a second urn had, at some period subsequent to its interment, been 
thrust down into it, apparently splitting it to pieces. The height of the inclosed 
urn, whose upper rim was on a level with that of the outer one, was sixteen inches, 
and the diameter at the mouth twelve inches. The pottery is half an inch thick, 
dark-coloured throughout, not so well baked as that of the larger vessel ; but, 
like that, filled with small angular pieces of quartz. It had two perforated 
handles, each two and a half inches wide by three inches long ; and over them, as 
well as around the upper band of the vessel, was a double chevron ornament, made, 
as it appears, with a stick, and not displaying the care used in the laureated or 
twisted-cord pattern. The base was seven inches in diameter ; and the interior 
was full of burnt human bones. The shape was much more cylindrical than that 
of the larger urn, and a rim had taken the place of the bulge. Both these 
forms of urn are common in Cornwall, and if this was a secondary interment, it 
must tend to show that the tapering type is not the more recent of the two. Two 
flints one with a naturally formed hole in it, and the other a chip used perhaps 
as a strike-a-light, were found amongst the ashes in the second urn. A parallel 
example of one urn having been found pressed down into another occurred not 
long ago in an adjoining parish. The other fragments found in this prolific cairn 
presented the following characteristics : (a) the base, six inches and a half in 
diameter, and some other portions of a coarse dark earthy vessel, half an inch 
thick, and full of burnt human bones ; (V) the handle (two inches broad) and other 
parts of a vessel bearing the usual ornamentation ; (c) five pieces of a very 
prettily ornamented cylindrical vessel, five inches in diameter, and probably six 
inches high, the pottery fairly well baked, of a reddish tinge, and a quarter of an 
inch thick, the sides covered with a series of laiireated chevrons, which, from a 
fragment of the base, seem to have reached (as in the case of the drinking cups 
known in other parts of England) to the bottom of the vessel ; (d) portions of a 
rough hard-baked urn (size uncertain), the interior of the rim ornamented with 
chevrons ; (e) five pieces of rough dark earthy pottery, having an attempt at sand 
glaze on the inside. Besides this pottery, there occurred in the earth thrown out 
from this mound numerous beach pebbles, one of which, a flat one, one inch and 
three quarters long by one inch and a half broad, had been artificially perforated, 
and splinters of flint, common to the downs of the locality, but most frequently 
met with near tumuli and within the lines of the cliff castles. The next cairn 
(fig. 3) lies on another natural granite elevation one hundred and fifty paces 
south of the last, known as Karn Creis or the " Middle Earn," consisting of two 
peaks twenty-six paces apart. The diameter in -this case too was eighteen feet. 


186 Typical Specimens of Cornish Barrows. 

A ring of stones surrounded it, and a second and concentric circle had been drawn 
round the immediate centre, in which was a dismantled cist, lying east and west, 

Fig. 3 Fig. 4. 


four feet long by three feet wide. In one corner of this lay a single fragment of 
pottery, marking perhaps the position of an urn. In its general arrangement and 
structure this cairn resembles many others on this coast, nearly all of which, like 
it, have been previously rifled. 

On the other peak at Karn Creis lay the last of these cairns to which I pro- 
pose to advert. The construction of this little burying place deserves atten- 
tion. A large natural granite rock in situ, of a square tabular shape (fig. 4), 
measuring eight feet across and four feet in height, had been surrounded 
by a ring of stones eighteen feet in diameter, and the whole had probably 
been covered in by a heap of small stones. Similar arrangements in the same 
locality have been previously noticed by Dr. Borlase and others. One such 
occurs at Karnmenelez, near Camborne, and another at Tresco, in Scilly ; and, to 
judge by the results of previous explorations of my own in a cairn in the parish 
of Morvah, in which such a rock containing an artificial cup-basin occurred, I 
venture to assert my conviction that in cases where such rocks are found they 
were purposely selected to form the bases of the funeral piles on which the bodies 
were burnt. On the south side of this cairn some two feet of filling still remained 
between the central rock and the outer ring. On removing this some interesting 
discoveries were made. Resting immediately against the side of the natural rock 
was the greater part of a plain barrel-shaped urn. The pottery was thin and 
earthy, copiously mixed with gravel, and averaging from a quarter to three- 
eighths of an inch in thickness. It possessed two cleats or embryo handles, each 

Typical Specimens of Cornish Barrows. 187 

one inch wide, perforated by holes only three-eighths of an inch in diameter, or 
just large enough for a cord. The diameter of the vessel was eight inches, and 
it was one foot high. Amongst the ashes and bones with which it was filled were 
a few rough chips of flint and a fragment of a globular vessel of glass a quarter 
of an inch thick, of an olive-greenish hue when held up to the light, but the 
surface covered with a blueish-black coating of an irridescent appearance. The 
globular portion of the vessel from which it came must have been three inches 
in diameter. As in the case of some beads described by Professor Buckman and 
found in Wiltshire, this piece of glass has been found on analysis to contain no 
lead, but much iron. Whether articles of glass were of native manufacture in 
Britain, or were imported (as seems to be implied by a passage in Strabo. lib. iv. 
c. 5) is, I believe, a point still undetermined. Eighteen inches to the east of this 
urn, and still under the brow of the natural rock, were discovered the fragments 
of a second urn of a somewhat more globular form than the others. The pottery 
averages from half an inch to three-eighths of an inch in thickness ; the base 
measures seven inches and a half in diameter, and the mouth eight inches. The 
inside of the rim is ornamented with a series of parallel lines of the twisted-rope 
pattern placed diagonally, and the outer band of the vessel below the rim is deco- 
rated, as usual, with the chevron laureated device never found on domestic vessels 
ranged in series of acute angles placed horizontally. The handles are two inches 
broad, pierced with holes half an inch in diameter. The texture of the pottery 
is finer than usual, though black and earthy. Close to the side of this last lay 
the bottom and several fragments of the rudest urn I have yet met with in 
Cornwall. It was filled with burnt human bones, some of which had become so 
firmly imbedded in the clay that, when removed, they left their stamp in it a 
fact which proves that they had been placed in the vessel while the clay was still 
wet, and probably also that the only baking the urn received was what it got 
from the flames of the funeral pile. The bottom was five inches in diameter, 
and it belonged not to the cylindrical but to the tapering type, expanding to nine 
inches near the top. The pottery was from a quarter to half an inch thick. 
Opposite this urn, and hugging the inner face of one of the stones of the ring, 
stood a little vessel three inches and three quarters in diameter at the base and 
four inches and a half at the mouth. The rim is gone, but it is otherwise perfect, 
and is four inches high. It presents a slight bulge below the upper rim and what 
are handles in the larger vessels are represented by two unperforated knobs. It 
belongs to that class of vessel which probably in Cornwall took the place of the 
more elaborate " drinking cups " or " food vessels " of other districts, and to which, 


188 Typical Specimens .of Cornish Barrows. 

since they are models of the larger ones, I have given the name of " miniature 
urns." That they did serve the purpose of food vessels, I think, is pretty clear 
from the fact that, in one which accompanied four other larger vessels in a cist at 
Busvargus, in this same district, I recently discovered that the contents consisted 
chiefly of the bones of small birds. The pottery in this instance was of a reddish 
colour, half an inch thick ; a few burnt human bones lay near the mouth, but the 
bottom was filled with snuff-coloured powder. 

One foot further to the east of this little urn, in an angle formed by a turn in 
the encircling ring, were found three pieces of black hard-baked sand-glazed 
pottery, three-eighths of an inch thick. One of these is part of a plain bevelled 
rim, and on another can be traced a rude pattern made by the incision of a pointed 
instrument. Together with these last fragments my trowel brought to light 
twelve peculiar beads made of glazed earthenware. The colour of the glaze is 
bright blue, such as that of the finest turquoise. Ten of them are cylindrical and 
fluted, but the two others are larger and barrel-shaped, though fluted like the rest (A). 
The length of the cylindrical ones, when perfect, is five-eighths of an inch, and 
the diameter nearly one quarter of an inch. Similar ones to these have occurred, 
though very rarely, in other parts of England ; those found by my friend Mr. 
Woodruff, F.S.A., together with urns of a remarkably Cornish type, in a Kentish 
barrow, and figured in the Archaeolorjia Cantiana, vol. ix. pi. ii. p. 24, being perhaps 
the most like them of all. The barrel-shaped ones are of the same length, but their 
diameter is double that of the others. Owing to this, when worn on a chain, it is 


clear that the cylindrical ones would have run into them, were it not that this is 
obviated by the insertion at each end of little discs of what I take to be Kimmeridge 
clay, each perforated with a tiny hole, scarcely large enough for a pin to pass through, 
but through which the thread of the necklace was clearly meant to run to such 
minuteness in detail had the necklace-makers' art been brought (B). The discovery 
of personal ornaments, as also of articles of intrinsic value, in Cornish cairns is a 
very rare occurrence. The gold cup found near Liskeard is the exception which 
proves the rule in this respect. The fact may be variously interpreted. Either 

Typical Specimens of Cornish Barrows. 189 

the people were not in possession of them, or their burial-places have in general 
been rifled, or while actually possessing them, Cornishmen were too wise to part 
with them in such a manner. As to these beads, my impression is that they are of 
native origin. Canon Greenwell has indeed spoken of Cornwall as a remote part 
of the country where " the characteristic features of early burial may have been 
found in connection with interments of comparatively late times ; " but it must be 
remembered that Cornwall in great probability received civilizing influences as 
early as any part of Britain, for civilisation travels on the lines of commerce, and 
it was on account of her tin (which must have come from Cornwall) that Britain 
was first known to the ancient world. At the time then, when these beads were 
deposited in this cairn Cornwall might have been in sufficiently intimate relations 
with other parts of the country to have imported them, or sufficiently civilized to 
have made them herself. Anyhow they would be in my opinion of native British 

With them were found a little button formed of a substance undetermined, 
but of the appearance of a concrete. In shape it is half a sphere, the flat surface 
measuring nine-sixteenths of an inch long by seven-sixteenths broad. It is 
traversed from side to side by an indentation which bisects it. In each of the 
divisions of the surface thus formed is a hole large enough to admit a c 

pin's head, and these two holes meet under the indented line (c). f ^ 
Similar ones have been found elsewhere in jet : A heart-shaped stone V J 

with flinty excrescences, with a natural perforation, possibly the 
charm for the necklace : The base of a leaf-shaped arrow-head of 
dark brown flint finely worked. The burnt fragments of bone which accompanied 
these articles were extremely delicate in texture those apparently of a young 
woman or child. 

Having concluded that part of my subject which deals with the smaller stone 
tumuli or cairns, I now arrive at the far larger piles which in general surmount 
the highest of our hills and the more prominent portions of the cliffs. 

On the cliff which towers above Cape Cornwall, near Ballowall, St. Just, 
the headland which, until recent researches proved it otherwise, was always held 
to be the westernmost extremity of the land rises the bastion of granite known 
as Karn Grluze, or, in English, " the grey karn." The land immediately around has 
from time out of mind been one of special importance to the miners, as a conse- 
quence of which an enormous mass of refuse stuff, covering several acres of ground 
and averaging some twenty feet in height, mars to a great extent the beauty of the 
spot. A curious local tradition attaches to this pile of refuse, to the effect that 

190 Typical Specimens of Cornish Barrows. 

miners returning from their work at night have seen lights burning and rings of 
fairies dancing on and around it. Having one day climbed to the top of this heap 
to gain a better view of fishing boats at sea, my attention was attracted to the fact 
that in one spot, at the very summit, the pile was composed, not of the usual 
material broken under ground, but of the granite stones common to the surface of 
the land. It was clear therefore that they had been purposely thrown there by 
the hand of man. Fancying that they might be, as indeed I soon proved that 
they were, the upper portion of a large cairn which owed its preservation to the 
covering of mine stuff which centuries had accumulated round it, I caused a gang 
of miners to drive a trench from the outside of the whole mound towards the 
point where the surface-stones appeared on the top. By this method, after many 
days' labour, the structure of an enormous tumulus was laid bare on the western 
side, with the following most interesting results : At a distance of ten feet from 
the edge of the pile an outer wall was uncovered, formed of massive blocks of 
granite, some of them seven and eight feet long, set on edge contiguously, and 
supporting a second layer placed horizontally on their top. It took about one 
hundred and fifty of these blocks, as we afterwards found, to form the outer circle 
of the entire cairn. It formed at once the inclosing ring and the basement of the 
immense pile of stone which lay within. This pile measured in diameter sixty-seven 
feet north and south, and from seventy to eighty feet east and west, while the entire 
accumulation of debris denuded from it on all sides measured not less than one 
hundred and fifty feet across. The symmetry of the circle, when seen in ground 
plan as laid down by Mr. Lukis, is spoiled by a considerable bulge on the south-west 
side. Passing the outer ring and continuing the trench towards the centre, the 
workmen broke through a congeries of loose stones eighteen to twenty feet in 
breadth, and, after removing a sufficient number to gain a passage through them, 
reached a second wall, resting, like the former one, on the natural surface, and sur- 
rounded at its base by a stratum of ashes and charred wood. The diameter of this 
second circle was thirty feet north and south by thirty-seven feet east and west. Its 
construction was very different to that of the outer wall. In some places, though it 
had clearly been truncated, it was still twelve feet high, and was neatly constructed 
throughout in a beehive form, with layers of square or flat stones. The dome shape 
was so distinctly marked that, at a height of five feet from the base, it had gradually 
inclined inwards no less than two feet. Unlike the beehive huts, well known to 
antiquaries in the same district, and which are self-supporting, this dome depended 
for its stability on the pile of stones which it enclosed. At a height of foxir feet 
six inches from the ground, a layer of well-chosen square stones ran all round the 

Vol. XLIX. 


W. C. LUKIS, P.S.A., AND W. C. BOHLASE, F.S.A., 17TH JULY, 1874. 

Scale y a inch to one foot. 

Typical Specimens of Cornish Barrows. 191 

structure, forming a kind of rude plinth, from which the upper portion of the 
cone rose more perpendicularly than was the case with the lower part. 

From this fact I should imagine that, according to the original design, this 
plinth marked the level to which the cairn was carried between the oiiter and this 
second wall. From this point the central cone, which would have been exposed to 
view above this, would take its rise to the height (to judge by measurements 
and by the accumulation of debris) of not less than perhaps twenty feet. On 
breaking through this second wall, at a distance of four feet within it, a third 
concentric wall was uncovered, also built in the form of a dome, but more perpen- 
dicularly than the other, and of smaller stones. The space between these two 
domes, which for fear of destroying the structural or I may almost say archi- 
tectural features I have not explored, had been filled in with large flat stones 
dropped in aslant. This central circle proved to be twenty-two feet in diameter 
north and south by twenty-seven feet east and west. 

Before I proceed to describe the various places of sepulture which were dis- 
covered during the process of overturning, as I have done, every stone within each 
of these circles except those between the domes, I wish to point out a fact which at 
once struck me, and which has struck every arcliaaologist conversant with Oriental 
tumuli who has seen it since it has been laid bare, namely the close similarity 
which exists between the structure of this great cairn and certain other structures 
in other lands. Not to mention the Talayos of the Balearic Isles, this tumulus 
certainly bears a striking resemblance to the topes of Afghanistan and India. Such 
an one is the tope of Bhojpur, described by General Cunningham. The external 
construction in that case is of stone, the interior being filled up with loose stones, 
bricks, and rubbish. An outer circle of walling supports a terrace four feet above 
the level of the soil. This terrace is approached by an inclined plane or by steps, 
which on the ground plans appears as a bulge from the side of the original outer 
circle. A plinth encircles the conical structure which rises from the terrace, and 
this plinth is at no great height above the level of the terrace itself. Were a 
restoration to be attempted of this cairn at Ballowall a structure would be raised 
which would, if I mistake not, be found to agree in all these several points with 
the topes which it was customary to raise in the East over the relics, or at an 
earlier period over the burnt bodies, of Buddhist teachers of noted sanctity. The 
same features are also noticeable in the great Sanki Tope, as also in Persian 
monuments, and finally in Asia Minor also, where, as in the case of the tomb of 
Tantalus, the plinth, so rudely indicated, as I believe it is, in the unhewn stones 

192 Typical Specimens of Gornisli Barrows. 

of the Cornish mound, has developed itself into a characteristic feature of 

I will now notice the several sepulchral chambers, &c., which were discovered 
during the process of overhauling the mound ; and it is remarkable that with one 
exception they all lie in a straight line drawn across the centre from south-west to 
north-east. On laying bare the outer ring it was found that on the south-west side 
one of the stones of the circle was wanting. Access was by this means given to a 
chamber nine feet long, three feet high, and averaging from three feet six inches 
to two feet six inches wide. The roof was formed by two covering stones with a 
third wedged in between them, and the north-east end was closed by a single slab. 
In every respect it was clearly identical with the chambers in certain mounds 
known in the same locality and in Scilly as the " Giant's Graves." It proved to 
be paved throughout, and under the pavement quantities of burnt human bones of 
adults, and fragments of broken pottery some, such as that figured, curiously orna- 
mented with circular indentations were discovered. The place must have been 
disturbed and rifled, unless we may suppose that the bones and shards were subse- 
quently collected and thrown there, which may have been the case, as they had been 
dispersed all over the floor of the chamber. Two feet north-east of the end of this 
vault was a long grave-shaped cist, four feet long by two-feet six inches wide and 
two feet deep. The sides consisted each of a single granite block ; two stones 
formed the cover, and a single stone lay along the 'floor, on which it is probable that 
an imburnt body of which not a trace remained had been placed. This cist rested 
on the natural soil and was scarcely a foot distant from the base of the outer dome. 
Two other discoveries were made in the outer circle; one on the south-east side, 
namely, a grave or pit six feet long, three feet wide, and three feet six inches deep, 
cut in the hard natural soil six feet from the outer dome ; the other a very carefully 
protected cist eighteen inches square and ten inches deep, abutting on the outer 
dome on the north-east side being the only example I have found of a cist on 
that side of any cairn. A large square block of stone lay at the bottom, five flat 
stones were set slantwise against the south-east side, and several others heavy 
blocks against the north-east side. It contained the indistinct traces of having 
contained some article of wood unburnt, but no trace of an interment. 

As the workmen penetrated the third wall, which formed the inner dome, 
ashes became more plentiful, and on arriving at the centre a pit was discovered sunk 
in the natural soil. It was in the form of a T, the shaft of that letter being repre- 
sented by a pit eight feet long, lying in a direction south-west and north-east. 

Typical Specimens of Cornish Barrows. 193 

The depth at the south-west end was three feet, but it descended by two steps 
until the floor at the other end was reached seven feet under the surface. Here it 
joined the transverse portion, which was eight feet long by two feet wide, was 
rudely rounded off at either end, and had been hollowed out like a cave under the 
hard soil. This part lies under the north-east side of the inner circles, and if it 
was a grave at all it is here that the body would have been interred. I have my 
misgivings however that it may be the work of miners at a later date. No traces 
of interment were found in it, but a quantity of black greasy mould, amongst 
which was a bead of soft micaceous stone one inch and a quarter in diameter, 
which differs from a spindle-whorl in being more globular in shape. In cleaning 
up the floor of this inner circle immediately around this pit the workmen brought 
to light no fewer than five little stone cists, of very neat construction, and all 
arranged on the south and south-west sides. 

The first of these was four feet from the south-west end of the pit. It was 
three feet long and about one foot wide, covered in by three stones more like a 
drain than anything else. At the south-east end it was closed, but at the other 
end it curved round towards the mouth of the pit. The depth was about eighteen 
inches. At the south-west corner, close against the wall, stood a small and 
perfectly plain cylindrical little urn, mouth upwards. It was filled with dark- 
coloured earth and charred wood, on the top of which lay two minute portions of 
burnt bone. The height is five inches and three eighths, and its diameter four 
inches and three quarters. 

In the same cist were three other fragments of another small vessel which had 
been provided with two knobs or cleats. Two feet to the south-east of this cist 
was a second ; and the same distance to the north-east a third, which though 
it was perfect when discovered has since been destroyed. It was two feet long, 
one foot three inches wide, and covered by two stones. "Within it lay another 
miniature urn on its side, closely hugging the south-east wall, and evidently 
placed purposely in that position. It is four inches and a half high and four 
inches wide at the mouth. The pottery is very coarse, black, and earthy, and, 
like the former one, was not made on the wheel. It is as good a representation in 
miniature of the one form of Cornish sepulchral urn (i. e. the type with the bulge 
and tapering extremity) as is the other little one in the other cist of those of 
the cylindrical type. It appeared as if these little cists had been placed in a rude 
circle, for two feet north-east of this cist was another, this time a double one, each 
of the compartments measuring two feet long by one foot wide. 


194 ^Typical Specimens of Cornish Barrows. 

On a portion of the upper part of the cairn falling away, a sixth and last cist 
was discovered at a height of five feet above the level of the ground. It measured 
one foot square, and contained several fragments of a thin well-baked vessel of the 
domestic type, such as is found in the hut villages of the neighbourhood, clearly 
distinguishable from the sepulchral pottery, and assignable to the Romano-British 
date. "With the shards were some unburnt bones of animals, among which was 
the jawbone of a lamb. 

On the western slope of a hill at Tregaseal, in the parish of St. Just, and 
about a mile and a half from the cairn just described, stands the tumulus to which 
I will next call attention. It is rather oval than round, measuring in length 
from north-west to south-east forty-one feet, and in breadth some ten feet less. 
Twelve stones of the outer ring were still in their place, and there were traces of 
an inner circle on the north-west side. The greater portion of the north side, 
and apparently the centre also, had been carted away for hedging, and an urn 
had been discovered in the process. Undeterred, however, by hearing this, I set 
to work in August, 1879, upon the portion that still remained, and was soon 
rewarded by discoveries of a particularly interesting nature. On the south-east 
side, and apparently communicating with the outer ring by a passage way which 
had lost its covering stones, was a fine stone chamber, the sides of which were 
formed by slabs of granite, four on one side and five on the other, terminated at 
the north-west end by a single block, and at the south-east end by a smaller stone, 
which had fallen inwards. It was eleven feet long and four feet high, varying in 
width from three to four feet, and was paved throughout. The roof was formed 
of two remarkably well-chosen slabs, which, however, only extended half the 
length of the chamber, the others having seemingly been removed. One of these 
slabs presented the peculiarity of a natural boss, rising to a height of five inches 
from its surface ; and I have little doubt (from other similar examples of stones 
having peculiar formations occurring in connection with rude stone monviments) 
that this feature had led to its selection. The floor of this chamber, as at 
Ballowall, was strewn with ashes and the burnt bones of full-grown human 
subjects, amongst which was a quantity of broken pottery and a long sand-stone, 
perforated at one extremity and intended for a whetstone. At the north-west 
end of the chamber was a raised platform formed of two flat stones, both under 
and upon which burnt bones were found. A flint scraper and other broken flints 
occurred in the material of the barrow, which on the north side was composed of 
stone and on the sputh of earth. But the feature of greatest interest occurred 









" EH .2 

3 4^ 

Cfi f*n fl ? 

# fl ri 

a S a 
S g 

l d . s 


Typical Specimens of Cornish Barrows. 

when the workmen were clearing away the stones and earth immediately outside 
the north-west end of the chamber. Here a cist had been rudely constructed, 
about three feet in height, subsequently to the chamber itself, as was evident from 
the fact that advantage had been taken of the stones of the latter in forming the 
walls and roof of the former. The cist proved to be full of fine earth, which, as it 
came shaling down, displayed an urn the largest of the sepulchral type yet found 
in Cornwall, if not in England, measuring twenty-one inches high, with a diameter 
of sixteen inches at the mouth, and eighteen inches at the bulge (seven inches 
below the rim), from which point it tapers away to a base only six inches in 
diameter. The shape of the vessel may fairly be said to be artistic : two handles, 
each five inches in breadth, spring from the sides, and the whole of the upper 
portion is ornamented with double indented lines arranged in bands, or in acute 
angles, or in diamond form. Similar bands are carried round the inside of the 
rim. The urn stood in an inverted position, the mouth resting on a granite rock 
in situ. It was about half full of calcined human bones. The bottom, which had 
been broken in by the shifting of the cover of the cist, showed on the inside a 
cross, standing out in relief, from a quarter to half an inch. It is chamfered or 
rather bevelled at the edges ; the arms are of equal length, and, as they do not 
reach to the sides of the vessel, clearly could not have been intended to strengthen 
it. It has evidently been made with care and trouble, and is no mere conventional 
pattern for the sake of quartering the circle. I have seen in the British Museum 
another example from one of the Devonshire caves ; and Canon Grreenwell notices 
one or two other specimens from "Wilts and Dorset. 

The last tumulus I propose to notice is that which crowns the summit of the 
last hill in England Chapel Karn Brea. The estate on which it stands derives 
its name from a chapel which once stood on the top of this very cairn. The 
accompanying drawing, made by my ancestor Dr. Borlase, which has never yet 
been correctly engraved, represents the mound and chapel as they appeared one 
hundred and fifty years ago. In 1816 the stones of the little building were 
removed in order to make additions to a barn, and all that now remains is the 
rude pile used by the fishermen as a landmark and 'called the " tummal." 
Satisfied that such an accumulation of stones for it is fifteen feet high and sixty- 
two feet in diameter would never have been gathered together by the chapel- 
builders, I several years ago sunk a pit to the centre, which, however never 
reached the level of the natural soil. Not contented with so poor a trial, in the 
autumn of 1879 I caused a trench thirty feet wide to be driven towards the 


196 Typical Specimens of Cornish Barfows. 

centre from the south-west side. An outer ring of well selected granite blocks 
was first encountered, of which from twenty to thirty appeared on the surface in 
different places round the mound. From the fact that three or four of these 
were found lying one above the other I came to the conclusion that it was very pos- 
sible that similar stones, arranged in layers or steps, were once placed pyramid 
fashion around it so as to encase the whole. There are traces also, as I think, of a 
detached circle of single stones having surrounded this cairn. At a distance of 
fourteen feet inside this first ring we came upon a rude perpendicular wall four feet 
high; three feet inside that again was a second; and at a like distance a third, at the 
foot of which we found a spindle- whorl of baked clay. At a point in this inner 
wall, which faced the south-west, stood a single slab, apparently used as a rude 
entrance, and supported by a stone buttress or prop. It reminded me at 
once of the entrances to chambers, such as those I have already described, and I 
came to the conclusion, which I have no doubt is the correct one, that in this case 
the cairn had been raised at different ages, and that this inner circle was the 
exterior of the primitive place of sepulture. "Within this entrance was a trench 
running in a north-north-westerly direction, faced on either side with stones set 
on edge. It was eighteen inches wide, and terminated at another point in the 
inner circle. From the bottom of it were taken up a small piece of coarse sepul- 
chral pottery and two chips of burnt human bone. Driving on towards the 
centre and having for our guide some rough walling on the right, at a distance of 
eight feet from the stone door, we came to the mouth of just such another 
chamber except that its construction was ruder- as I have described before in 
the cases of Ballowall and Tregaseal. The floor proved to be two feet below the 
natural surface. The internal length was seven feet six inches. Its direction 
was north-north-west and south-south-east. At the bottom, at the northern end, it 
tapered to a point, but the plan was squarer as the walls ascended. The width in 
the centre was three feet, and at the entrance two feet six inches. It was four feet 
high, and was roofed in by four stones of various .sizes. So rudely constructed 
were the walls that they would scarcely serve for a hedge, and without the support 
of the pile which surrounded them it is impossible that they could have supported 
the roof. In this circumstance they differ materially from those I have described, 
and probably afford evidence of greater antiquity. The chamber was more than 
"half full of slimy earth and stone, mingled with ashes which appeared to have 
fallen through from above. A few atoms of very rude pottery, and a whetstone 
not perforated, were taken up from the bottom. Continuing the excavation to 


I it 

1_J - P3 

Ha M O 


B * ft 




u *" 


* a 


Typical Specimens of Cornish Barroivs. 197 

the south-east, at a distance of six feet six inches from the entrance of the chamber, 
and at a higher level, stood a fine cist or dolmen, covered by a single well-chosen 
slab, five feet square on the top and one foot six inches thick. The cist itself 
measured internally three feet by two feet six inches, and two feet in depth. There 
was nothing in it, and the floor was composed of the loose materials of the earlier 
mound on which it had been built. From the evidence of an old farm labourer 
who had known the place for years, I am inclined to believe that there was 
another similar cist removed from the west-south-west side. In the debris of the 
cairn above this some pieces of Romano-British pottery were found, and among 
them a small fragment of Samian ware. A buttress sunk to support the corner- 
stone of the chapel had reached to within a foot or two of the cover of the cist ; 
but it was plain that the builders of the chapel had never disturbed either that 
or the chamber, and were therefore ignorant of their existence. Veneration for 
the spot on the part of the natives probably induced the Christian missionaries 
to adopt it for themselves, and the fact that an annual tour is made by 
country-people to a stone on the hill-side below points in the same direction. 
Reaching the level of the foundation of the chapel, mediaeval pottery and glass 
occurred, as well as some of the very curious ridge-tiles of the edifice. Taken 
altogether, the evidence derivable from the exploration of this cairn although 
the discoveries were next to none was very instructive. It is clear from it that 
the period of the chambered mounds or giants' graves perfect specimens of which 
we possess at Pennance and Brane in the same district, and also in Scilly, 
preceded that of the cist or dolmen proper; and the occurrence of the Samian 
ware, and other objects at higher levels, afford us, like so many geological strata, 
evidences of human society in each successive age, even down to the ferret-bell 
which I found in a rabbit-hole at the top. I may add that this cairn, being on my 
own property, will be carefully preserved. Occupying as it does a position so 
important to mariners, I have restored it to its original height, leaving the 
chamber and cist exposed to view. 

In conclusion I should like to add one word as to the plans and drawings I 
have made use of in illustration of my subject. They were made by Mr. Lukis 
during his visit to Cornwall in the autumn of 1879. In the work of planning the 
rude stone monuments of Cornwall I accompanied him and rendered such assist- 
ance as I could. To give you an example of the value of the series of plans he 
then made, I may mention that they represent every rude stone monument 
known in the county, and there are no two of them alike. More than this, 

198 Typical Specimens of Cornish Barroivs. 

several of the monuments, and those not the least in importance, have never been 
planned, and indeed have scarcely been known to exist before. On one of them 
a singular dolmen in the Lizard district we discovered cup-markings which, 
with one doubtful exception, had not occurred in Cornwall previously. Another 
monument a circle, in the parish of Blisland, on Hawks Tor is next in size to 
Abury itself; it presents the remarkable features of a surrounding trench, a 
central pillar, and a cist close by, while the stones are of remarkable height, 
though, owing to many having fallen, they had hitherto escaped observation. 
The fact that the Society is publishing this most interesting series is a matter of 
sincere gratification to those who bore a part in a work, which thev hope soon 
to see extended to other portions of the United Kingdom. 

IV. On the Series of Watt Paintings in the Church of St. Mary, Guildford. 


Head otli April, 1883. 

THE Series of Paintings on the vault of the apse to the north aisle of St. Mary's 
Church, Guildford, unlike so many which have exercised our attention for a long 
time past, are of no new discovery, but were disclosed as far back as 1825. In 1838, 
they were described, and a solution proposed by my old friends, Edward John 
Carlos and John Gough Nichols, in the Archaeologia, vol. xxvu. p. 413. There 
are no two names which recall to me more reverent associations than those of 
the friends I have mentioned. Mr. Carlos was my master in archaeology, and 
Mr. Nichols's services are well known to this Society. But at the time they wrote 
little or nothing was known of the popular religious art of the Middle Ages. 
Didron had but begun his researches, and Maury had not written at all ; whilst, in 
this country, whitewash still covered most of the walls of our churches. There- 
fore it is not a matter of surprise that their attempted solution is inaccurate, nor 
have those who have followed them been more fortunate. Guesses have been 
vaguely made, always an unsure process, for there is nothing more likely to 
deceive than attempts to find out the meaning of a subject without any principle 
to go upon : it is like a voyage upon an unknown sea, without rudder or compass. 
In fact, the subjects I am about to explain, are exceedingly obscure until the clue 
is obtained ; and, at one time, I feared I must have confessed my ignorance, though 
not admitting the accuracy of the solution given by my friends. They are unique 
to my experience, and especially curious in the manner in which they are associated 

The several works in which they have been noticed have thrown but little 
additional light on the subject. Mr. Parker in his account of the church, 
Archaeological Journal, vol. xxix. p. 178, adopts Mr. Carlos's solution, but explains 
one medallion in his own way, to which I shall have to direct your attention 

200 On the Wall Paintings in the Church of St. Mary, Guildford. 

presently. In Brayley's History of Surrey, vol. i. p. 352, again the same solution 
is accepted with one or two variations, which advance more nearly to the truth in 
the special subject noted. Here are illustrations given, not absolutely accurate 
and insufficient for a true rendering, but fairly shewing the general arrangement, 
and perhaps indicating some details now gone or more obscure ; on the] other 
hand omitting others which remain and which were not understood by the][artist. 

Mr. Carlos stated, that it was not known to what saint the chapel was~;dedi- 
cated, but that there was one in the church dedicated to St. John. He does not 
give an authority, nor does he say whether it be to the Evangelist or to John the 
Baptist. In Manning and Bray's History of Surrey, a chapel dedicated to St. 
John is mentioned as in the will of John Jeff son in 1547, he directing that his 
body should be therein buried. Brayley's History of Surrey assigns it to John the 
Baptist, but without giving any reason. Amongst the paintings, there is but one 
subject that can refer to the history of John the Baptist, but there are three to 
that of the Evangelist ; so, in the absence of evidence, I am inclined to think that 
the dedication must be to the latter, or the reference in the above-named will would 
have been more explicit. There were two guilds or fraternities, one of Jesus, the 
other of Corpus Christi, attached to this church, and it is just possible that the 
paintings about to be described might have been executed under their influence 
or of one of them. 

In studying the whole group together, with those of the spandrils of the arch 
in front of the vault, it is obvious one must view them as one subject, viz., " The 
second coming of Our Lord in Grlory ; " for the centre of the composition on the 
upper part of the vaulting has the figure known as " The Majesty." But the 
associated medallions and compositions within them I have never before seen thus 
brought together. Nevertheless, this figure at least suggests the spirit of the 
whole, and if we do not see the prescribed order of angels, prophets, apostles, 
saints, &c., as is usual, and which is authoritatively given by Durandus in the 
Rationale, lib. i. we are led at least to surmise that some illustrations of divine 
power, as manifested in the lives of the saints or otherwise, would here be found, 
and thus form an harmonious whole. Acting on this principle my researches have 
been successful, and, I believe, I shall now place before you a complete and 
accurate solution, though in one instance there is still some obscurity. 

" The Majesty," a term of ancient use, is given to the figure of Our Lord 
seated within an aureole, holding up the right hand in act of benediction, in the 
other a book or orb. Mr. Carlos's description speaks of it as a book or table upon 
which is the Alpha and Omega, later describers have called it an orb. Both 

On the Wall Paintings in the Church of St. Mary, Guildford. 201 

conventions belong to the subject, but, as it is not usual for the latter to have the 
monograms, I consider that Mr. Carlos is the most accurate ; at present it is 
impossible to say what it is. 

The chief authority for this subject is Matthew, ch. xxv. v. 31. "When the 
Son of Man shall come in his Majesty, and all the angels with him, then shall he 
sit upon the seat of his Majesty," &c., " but other texts bear upon it and its various 
modes of treatment. The head of Christ has the nimbus, the aureole is coloured 
yellow, representing glory. He is in a white tunic ornamented, and a deep red 
mantle is cast over the right shoulder, and falls in folds over the knees, repre- 
senting the royal purple, or as referred to by the text, " Who is he that cometh 
in dyed garments from Bosrah?" Two small figures of angels on each side of 
another face of the vault represent the heavenly host, thus cramped into a small 
space to make room for the series of subjects beneath. These I will now describe : 
They form a curious page out of the " Book of the Laity," as developed in our 
country churches, illustrating the religious culture of our ancestors, for I do not 
doubt that these paintings acted as texts and were explained in sermons to the 
people. Commencing our reading of them from the right side of " The Majesty," 
the first that presents itself shews us a figure in a tub or vat tormented by an ugly 
miscreant using a pitchfork, a very usual instrument for such purposes in our 
medigeval paintings. The figure is youthful, and with hands conjoined in suppli- 
cation is turned towards a seated figure of Christ, who gives the benediction with 
his right and holds a cross in his left hand in form similar to that of an arch- 
bishop. Keclining in front of the latter, resting on one hand as if in reflection or 
in sleep, is again a youthful figure in tunic and mantle. 1 ' By the side of this figure 
is a staff resembling in general shape that used by the arch-priest in some of the 
churches of Italy, or the bourdon of the pilgrim. As the rest of the subjects on 
this side are undoubtedly from the legend of St. John the Evangelist, we are led 
at once to conclude that this is a brief illustration of the commencement. Here 
is St. John in the vat of boiling oil before the gate Porta Latina, at Rome, wherein 
he was placed by the command of Domitian, and whence he issued unhurt (unctus 
non adustus). Usually the saint is in a cauldron, under which is a fire, and the 

8 Thus the Vulgate : in our version it reads : " When the Son of Man shall come in his glory 
and all the holy angels with him, then shall he sit upon the throne of his glory." It is a closer 
translation from the Greek. In the new version " holy " is rejected, thus following Griesbach's text, 
and agreeing with the Vulgate. 

b Mr. Carlos calls this " Heavenly judgment," but his account cannot be for one moment 
accepted. Brayley's Surrey rightly suggests the true subject. 

202 On the Wall Paintings in the Church of St. Mary, Guildford. 

Emperor is present. Thus it is given in the Chapter House at Westminster. But 
it is to be noted that " doliimi," the word used in the Legenda Aurea, more properly 
signifies tub or vat than a cauldron. It may be that the latter belongs to a later 
treatment. Christ giving the benediction is to exemplify his protection over the 
saint, by which he escapes the intended evil. It is to be remarked, that the figure 
of Christ alone has the nimbus wherever introduced, and the cross upon it, though 
extremely faint, yet is sufficiently clear to set all doubt at rest. The reclining 
figure must symbolise St. John at Patmos, whither he was banished, possibly 
agreeing with the text at chap. i. ver. 10 of the Book of the Revelation, " I was in 
the Spirit on the Lord's Day." (Fig. I.) 

The subject next to this, though belonging to the legend of St. John, is not 
here placed in its true chronological order ; I shall therefore pass on to that which 
continues the story. " After the death of Domitian the Evangelist returned from 
the isle of Patmos to the city of Ephesus, where he was received with much 
honour and rejoicing. When about to enter the city, Drusiana, a lady and 
disciple, who loved him and earnestly awaited his advent, died. Her relations, 
widows and orphans, said to him, ' St. John, behold Drusiana, whom we bring, who 
always observed your monitions, nourished us all, and greatly desired your 
coming, saying ' Oh, if I could but see the Apostle of God before I die.' Behold, 
thou hast come and she cannot now see you.' Then he commanded them to set 
down the bier and loose the body, saying ' My Lord Jesus Christ raise thee iip, 
Drusiana. Arise and go to thy house and make ready a repast for me.' Imme- 
diately she arose and began to go, solicitous of the Apostle's command, so that she 
might see him, and as if not from death but from sleep he had aroused her." 

The illustration of this forms part of the medallion at the extreme end of the 
vault on the north side, or the right of " The Majesty." It exhibits an altar, on 
which is a chalice, a shrouded female figure lying down in front, apparently dead, 
yet raising up the hands. A priest in eucharistic apparel, holding up his right 
hand in act of benediction, indicates the Apostle performing the miracle ; above, 
the hand of Grod in benediction is seen issuing from the clouds. The other part 
of the medallion continues the history. There is the Apostle again, similarly 
attired, and again in the act of benediction, performed, as it were, over some 
upright rods and a number of stones, details which are fortunately distinctly 
preserved." (Fig. II.) 

a It is to be noted that the artist has committed two singular errors. One is that the hand from 
the clouds wants a finger, and the Apostle in the latter subject gives the benediction with the left 

Vol. XLIX. 

Scale about ^ linear. 

On the WalLPamtings in the Church of St. Mary, GuiMf&rd. 203 

The explanation is in the following continuation of the legend. " One day 
Crato, a the philosopher, assembled the people in the forum, in order to declare 
unto them in what manner this world should be despised. He induced two young 
men, brothers, and exceedingly rich, to expend their whole patrimony in the 
purchase of the most precious gems, and then commanded them to break them to 
pieces in the sight of all. Now it so happened that the Apostle, passing by, called 
to him, the prophet of this world, and condemned his contempt in a triple reason. 
First, he was praised in the mouths of men but condemned in the divine judg- 
ment. Secondly, that in such contempt he cured no vice, and therefore it was 
vain, as medicine is said to be vain which in no way cures the disease. Thirdly, 
that contempt only is meritorious which relieves the poor, as the Lord said to the 
young man, ' If thou wouldest be perfect, go and sell all that thou hast and give 
to the poor.' To whom Crato said, ' If God is truly your master, and would that 
the price of these gems be given to the poor, do so that they may be made whole 
again, and thus advance His glory, as I the fame of men.' Then the blessed 
John, collecting the fragments of the gems in his hands, prayed, and they were 
made whole again as at first. Immediately the philosopher and the two young 
men believed, and, selling the gems, delivered the price to the poor. Others did 
the same, but repented on seeing their servants finely dressed ; of which St. John 
being advised, he caused rods to be brought to him and stones from the sea shore, 
and converted them into gold and gems. And by his command all the goldsmiths 
and jewellers were sent for, who stated that such pure gold and precious stones 
they had never seen. "Whereupon the Apostle said to them, ' (Jo and redeem the 
lands you have sold and thus lose the rewards of heaven.' ' The legend then 
continues a sermon against riches, but the saint having resuscitated a young man, 
the latter, by the Apostle's command, told them of the glories of Paradise and of 
the pains of hell, quoting these lines on the latter : 

Vermes et tenebrae, flagellum, frigus et ignis, 

Demonis aspectus, scelerum confusio luctus. 

a For Crato we must read Crates, a philosopher and native of Thebes, B.C. 324, who turning his 
whole estate into money, delivered it to a banker on this condition : that if his sons proved philo- 
sophers, he should give it among the poor citizens, a philosopher having no occasion for money 
otherwise he should give it to his sons. Some write that he threw it into the sea, saying, " Away, ye 
paltry cares, I will drown you, that you may not drown me." (Vide Aim-worth's Dictionary). On the 
floor of the Cathedral of Siena, one of the most interesting of the incised designs is that of Fortune, 
by Pinturrichio, in which Crates is shown emptying a basket of jewels, as throwing them away. He 
was a pupil of Diogenes the cynic. It is needless to say, that our author Jacobus a Voragine, who 
makes him contemporary with St. John, is not accurate in his chronologj'. 


204 On the Wall Paintings in the Church of St. Mary, Guildford. 

The young men repented, and by the Apostle's injunction they were to do penance 
for thirty days, praying that the rods and stones should return to their own 
nature, which done they were received into grace. 

It is obvious that this somewhat tedious tale is here illustrated, and I never 
before saw either of the subjects amongst our wall paintings. It is not to be 
wondered at, that they were not unravelled by my two friends, as without some 
clue one might go on indefinitely guessing." 

The medallion now to be described is between the two last. On one side there 
is a youthful figure in a chair writing at a kind of desk or table. He has a large 
knife in one hand, often the accompaniment of a scribe. In the foreground are 
two ugly-visaged figures lying side by side as dead. In the centre is a youthful 
figure with flowing hair drinking from a chalice, and by the side are the remains 
of a seated figure, crossing the leg, and holding most likely a sceptre. (Fig. III.) 

This also is a continuation of the legendary history, which tells us that the saint 
by his preaching caused such a commotion that the temple of Ephesus with its 
celebrated image of Diana was destroyed. Whereupon Aristodemus, the pontifex, 
became indignant, and raised up a sedition amongst the people, so that the two 
parties prepared for combat. To whom the Apostle said, " What would you I 
should do that you may be appeased." He answered, " If thou wilt that I believe 
thy God, I will give thee poison to drink, and if no harm ensue it will appear that 
thine is the true God. He also insisted that it should be tried upon others. The 
Apostle agreed ; and Aristodemus, sending to the Proconsul, asked for two men 
about to be decapitated, and gave them poison before them all, and they instantly 
died. The Apostle then took the chalice, fortifying himself by the sign of the 
cross, drank up all the poison and incurred no evil. Aristodemus still expressed 
some doubt, but said that he would believe if the Apostle raised them up to life 
again. Which having been done by the tunic of the Apostle being cast upon them, 
the pontifex and proconsul believed with all their relatives, and were baptized in 
the name of Christ ; and they built a church in honour of the blessed John. b 

The scribe is undoubtedly intended to represent the Evangelist, but separated 
from the rest of the subject, as in the first-described. The dead figures, betwixt 

a Mr. Carlos calls the subject " The Death of the Good." 

b Mr. Carlos called this subject" The Death of the Wicked," but no such conventional subject is 
known to ecclesiastical art. In Brayley's Surrey the illustration gives this figure an arrow in one 
hand and a knife in the other. The artist has been misled by appearances, there could be no con- 
sistency in the introduction of such objects. 

On the Watt Paintings in the Church of St. Mary, Guild/ord. 205 

whom is shown the tunic, and the Apostle drinking from the chalice, leave no sort 
of doubt as to the true reading, which is here submitted to you. 

I now proceed to take note of the subject on the other half of the vaulting, 
and the first face of it, opposite to that which exhibits the figure of St. John in 
the vat of boiling oil, has a representation of a figure crowned, sitting with one 
leg across the other, a curious convention to which some meaning must be attached, 
as it is so often seen in medieval paintings, when a king or other official personage 
is seated as in authority. It holds a sceptre in the right hand, has a very ugly 
countenance, and is turning to the right, where an ugly official is bringing in one 
bound with a rope. On the opposite side is another ugly visaged figure, who 
has just decapitated one whose body is prostrate. This executioner by his stiff 
upstanding hair seems to be horrified at his own act, which is the more shown by 
the uplifted left arm. It seems as if he had witnessed something mysterious 
ensuing. (Fig. IV.) 

There can be little doubt that this is part of the story of John the Baptist." 
The seated figure is Herod, the scorn of the mediaeval dramatist, therefore shown 
ugly, as a matter of course. Two parts of the subject are here given ; the saint 
being brought before Herod, and the decapitation. It is remarkable that this 
should be the only subject relating to the Baptist amongst the series, if it be 
true, that the chapel is dedicated to him. It is tolerably perfect; that injured 
by time being the first part of the story. 

On the reverse face to this we have a subject which is most obscure, and for 
that reason is particularly interesting, whilst the details are most curious. It 
exhibits a figure in a font, with hands conjoined, turning towards a standing figure 
of Christ, for so we must pronounce it to be, holding a cross, as in the previously 
given instance, and extending the right hand in benediction towards the figure, 
which is bearded. At the opposite side is a figure with a coif upon its head, such 
as is given to a doctor of law, holding in his hands a deed with two pendant 
seals. 1 ' This figure has its back to the rest of the composition. Beneath this is a 
fall of water, represented in the usual manner by waving lines. (Fig. V.) 

The difficulty in interpreting this subject is very great. It is clearly not from 
Scripture, and equally clear, that the figure of Christ is expressive of a manifesta- 

a Mr. Carlos calls this "Earthly Judgment." 

b The seals were described as water bougets, but, not being bigger than spoons, it is a singular 
oversight on the part of my friend. It requires close examination to see this part clearly, and it was 
only by going up a ladder that the real character of these objects was made known. My friend Mr. 
Ralph Nevill, who was with me at the examination, first suggested what proved to be correct. 

206 On the Wall Paintings in the Church of St. Mary, Guildford. 

tion of his power, as in that of St. John in the vat of boiling oil. "We may there- 
fore fairly assume that it has a similar symbolic reference. The man of law, as 
before stated, has his back turned on the rest, and thence has no immediate 
part in the action, and so belongs to another part of the story. Every detail 
seems to symbolize. The falling water; the deed and its seals; and also the 
introduction of the figure of Christ, as well as the font. Let it also be noted, the 
flowing water is divided into equal white and red broad lines, and that the figure 
in the font has an unmistakeably Jewish face. It may show a conversion by 
baptism of some sinner ; it might be a usurer. Some explanatory legendary story 
must certainly be extant, and that I am about to suggest is possibly the one 
required. It is that of the Jew who maltreated the representation of Christ, 
related by Athanasius; and probably the original of many like stories of the 
Middle Ages. 

The tale, which is narrated at great length, tells us, that in the city of Berytus 
were a number of Hebrews. It happened that near to their great synagogue 
dwelt a Christian, who had placed an image of Our Lord over against his bed upon 
the wall. He changed his dwelling, leaving the image behind him. A Jew 
succeeded him, but apparently did not see, or, at all events, did not remove this. 
A friend having called upon him during a social banquet, perceived the image in 
the inner apartment. Thence he reviled him, and denounced him to the chief 
priests of the synagogue, whence he was driven out half dead. They then put the 
image on the ground, and went through a series of outrages in imitation of those 
suffered in the Passion, ending by transfixing the body with a lance. To the 
amazement of all, blood and water profusely flowed from the wound. A vessel 
was brought and immediately filled by it, and was carried to the synagogue, where 
the fluid cured all sorts of diseases and maladies of the body, the blind, the deaf, 
&c. In consequence of which all believed in Christ, and went to the church, 
seeking the Metropolitan, to whom all things were narrated; and it was dis- 
covered that this image was the work of Nicodemus. After having declared their 
conversion and faith, they asked for baptism as the remedy for their sins. After 
which they desired that the synagogue should be consecrated in honour of the 
Holy Saviour of the world, which was done. And the quantity of blood and 
water was afterwards distributed throughout the churches in glass ampullae, and 
the writer ends by the assurance that the narration is very true." 

* Given by Lipomani, " De Titis Sanctorum," as " Libellus Athanasii Episcopi Alexandrini do 
Passione imaginis nostri Jesu (Jhristi, qualiter crucifixa est in Syria, in ill-be Beryto, citatur in septima 
Synodo secunda Nicasna," &c. 


Vol. XLIX. 


Scale about -^ linear. 

On the Wall Paintings in the Church of St. Mary, Guildford. 207 

Now the way in which I apply this to the painting is, that the figure in the 
font is an offending Jew, who, seeking baptism for the remission of sins, with his 
hands conjoined in supplication, turns towards the figure of Christ, giving him 
benediction, thus absolving him for the offences towards him in his image. The 
fall of water, which is certainly but a symbol, possibly represents the blood and 
water which flowed from the wound, the white band representing water, the 
red blood, whilst the man of law is examining a deed of conveyance, by which 
the synagogue was given up for consecration to the Christian worship. If this be 
not the real explanation of this singular subject, it must be very near to it, for the 
details all stand separate and can only symbolize and hint at the real meaning. It 
is also significant that the subject was cited in the second Council of Nicea, which 
decided on the use of paintings in the church. 

It is remarkable that Mr. Parker, accepting without change all Mr. Carlos's 
other solutions, should here interpose and emphatically declare it to be from the 
legend of St. Nicholas ; " always," as he says, " represented as in this instance."" 
I must therefore as distinctly state, that no passage in the legend of that saint in 
any way explains this painting, nor does any painting illustrating that legend 
ever give such details. Mr. Parker could not have studied these subjects, and 
possibly wrote from memory with some confusion in his mind as to details. 

The last subject cannot be a matter of much doubt. It shows us again Christ 
standing and holding the cross, now in the right hand, and extending the left in 
an action of command towards a figure who is being dragged with ropes by two 
demons. A female figure is kneeling at the feet of Our Lord in earnest supplica- 
tion ; above are two other demons, one white the other red, extending their amis 
menacingly towards Our Lord. The two menacing demons refer doubtless to the 
words of the text, " art Thou come to torment us before the time ? " Behind the 
figure being dragged there is another, apparently in authority, whose right hand 
points towards Christ, the left holding a naked sword. This latter part, however, 
is a little obscure. b (Fig. VI.) 

This must certainly represent that manifestation of divine power, the casting 
out of devils, &c. The female figure is probably the Syro-Phoenician woman who 
threw herself at the feet of Jesus beseeching that he would cast the devil out of 
her daughter (St. Mark, ch. vii. v. 25). Again (ch. ix. v. 17), one is brought to 
him and the spirit is rebuked and comes out of him. The figure with the sword 

a ArcltCEological Journal, xxix. 179. 

* Mr. Carlos calls this " Christ passing judgment," Ac. 

208 On the Wall Paintings in the Church of St. Mary, Guildford. 

may possibly represent the centurion whose servant was sick of the palsy (St. 
Matthew, ch. viii. v. 6). This medallion and that which contains the beheading 
of John the Baptist are the only two which have subjects in any way referable to 

No other instance has ever occurred, as far as my experience goes, of such an 
association of subjects with " The Majesty." The intent is that which we are 
familiar with, yet here is a remarkable divergence from usual conventions. The 
series therefore are of the greatest possible value, and take place after the painting 
at Chaldon in Surrey in point of interest. 

I now proceed to describe the subjects of the spandrils above the arch, viz., 
" Soul-weighing " and "Punishment," for these complete the general subject and 
composition. On one side, the right as regards " The Majesty," stands St. Michael 
holding the balance ; he is in an ornamented tunic, over which is a mantle, and with 
wings outstretched almost horizontally. Opposite to him is a demon winged, who 
is placing one foot in a scale to depress it. a A small figure is beneath, and between 
the two the soul, which, turning towards St. Michael, is imploring his aid. A similar 
incident is in the Chaldon painting, but I do not think this is ever seen beyond 
the thirteenth century, as then another development takes its place. In the 
Plierinage de VAme, an ancient spiritual romance, there is a contention for the 
possession of a soul which calls to mind this incident, as St. Michael is there 
appealed to against the power of Satan. But one cannot pass from this part of 
our subject without referring to the identity of feeling exhibited in Egyptian 
papyri of the Eitual of the Dead, where the deeds of one deceased are being 
weighed before Osiris, and the soul or shade appears in the act of supplication for 
mercy. On the opposite spandril stands an angel, who has driven out the con- 
demned souls, which are tied together in a bundle, as we also see them in the 
Chaldon painting, and are being carried off by a demon to the fires of Hell, which 
are seen beneath. 

In order to understand the prevailing theology on this subject during the 
Middle Ages, I will now turn to the sermon, De Angelis, of Herolt, the Dominican, 
an extract from which, in his own words, will be better than any of my own. 
" Michael the Archangel, whose feast to-day (September 29) we celebrate, has the 
office of weighing the merits and demerits of souls. For, according to the pictures, 
which are the books of the laity, Michael weighs souls in the balance in order that 

a One of the descriptions places a candlestick in one of the scales. It is purely imaginary, and 
utterly out of place. 

On the Wall Paintings in the Church of St. Mary, Guildford. 209 

those which are full and those which are empty should be known. As Daniel 
says, "Thou art weighed in the balance and art found wanting." There are 
therefore some souls empty, some half full, some full, some over-full. Those are 
empty which carry with them no good works. These Michael weighs and, finding 
them empty, says, ' Thou art weighed in the balance and art found wanting.' 
Therefore he can say to such as it is said in the Apocalypse, ' Thou art wretched 
and miserable, poor and blind and naked.' For such are naked, being stripped of 
good works ; blind, because darkened by ignorance ; poor, because destitute of 
the suffrages of all the saints ; and miserable, because deprived of the divine 
vision ; wretched, because sent to the fires of Gehenna. Of such, in the person 
of Christ, Michael says (Matthew, xxii.), ' Being bound hands and feet send them 
into outer darkness." This passage shows us the close connection of the theoretical 
principles and the painter's interpretation, and is rendered more pertinent by 
allusion to the latter. In that very curious collection of sermons, entitled Dormi 
Secure, under that of St. Michael is the following story, which still further illus- 
trates the theology of the subject. "A certain young man entering into religion 
(monastery), and having for some years lived in it honestly and devoutly, fell 
seriously ill. Lying upon his bed he spoke not but thought that he would 
immediately die. When his brethren assembled together and recommended his 
soul, he suddenly began to speak and uttered three phrases. The first was, ' I 
wish I had never been born.' The second, 'Weigh equally.' The third, 'It suffices 
me.' Now when he was convalescent the brethren asked him wherefore he spake 
those words. He answering said, ' That as he was on the point of death, many 
demons stood nigh accusing him of many grave sins, so that for any of them he 
was worthy of eternal death.' Then, desperate of salvation, I uttered these words, 
' I wish I had never been born.' Then stood by the Angel of Grod, having the 
balance in his hands that he might weigh my good and evil deeds. Seeing this, I 
uttered the second, 'Weigh equally.' But when indeed my bad deeds in some- 
wise outweighed, I said to them that they should bring something. Then they 
brought a drop of the blood of Christ, by which the good preponderated ; which 
seeing, the demons departed confused. Then I, much consoled, with great joy and 
security said the third, ' It suffices me.' ' 

It is not difficult to see that the spirit of the painting is precisely in accord 
with the old " Exemplum," which is but one of many of like character. Between 
the written theology and the painted theology there is complete harmony, and it 
is by bringing the two together we see how one explains the other, and shows us 
the popular religious teaching of our ancestors. The angel driving out the 

210 On the Wall Paintings in the Church of St. Mary, Guildford. 

condemned souls, who, " bound hand and foot," are being carried off by a demon 
to the flames of Gehenna, is also in accord with a previous quotation. 

But it is impossible to leave this subject without some allusion to the very 
reverend antiquity of the teaching, and to the wide extent of the earth's surface on 
which it has been taught : not only in our own religious system, but in all that have 
left their marks upon the world's history. I have already quoted the well-known 
passage in the Prophet Daniel, but there is another in the Bible of antecedent 
antiquity, viz., in the Book of Job, wherein we find " Let me be weighed in an 
even balance that God may know my integrity." Nor are the references I make 
to the papyri, which may be seen on the staircase of the Egyptian room in the 
British Museum, the earliest examples in date, for the beautiful sarcophagus in 
Sir John Soane's museum attributed to Sethos I. takes us back to 1388 B.C., 
according to Lepsius, very near to the supposed era of the Exodus, and here is a 
fine example of " soul- weighing," and, perhaps, the most ancient. But we 
cannot, I think, assume that its origin is found in Egyptian mythology, and 
thence the evangel was sent over the eastern world. In the religion of the 
Zenda-vesta there is Mithra and Rashne-rast, who weigh the actions of men on 
the bridge Tchinevad, i. e., the narrow bridge which separates earth and heaven. 
In the system of Brama, Grama is the King of Justice, before whom souls are 
weighed and good and evil spirits produce their good and evil deeds. In 
Buddhism it is Shinje, Lord of the Dead, in Sanscrit called Dharma-rajah, King 
of the Law. In Mahometanism St. Gabriel is " soul- weigher." Of the extent 
of the surface of the ancient world over which this teaching is found it is 
sufficient to say that it is shown by a line drawn from Thibet to this Ultima Thule 
of the Greeks and Romans. How early it became adopted in Christianity one 
cannot tell, but the Dialogues of St. Gregory the Great (A.D. 604) are as explicit 
in the doctrine as any of the later writers to whom I have referred. It is, indeed, 
quoted in the same sermon on St. Michael which I have noted. It is as follows : 

" On the point of separation of the soul from the body, the good and bad angels come, and 
the merits and demerits of the man are weighed. The good angel alleges and recites the man's 
good works, the bad angel calling to memory all the evil ones. And if indeed the bad preponde- 
rate over the good, so that he departed in mortal sin, immediately the soul is delivered to the 
torturers, who thrust the man or his soul down to the prison of Hell to eternal punishment. 
But if he deceased in charity, without mortal sin, yet in some that may be purgeable, the good 
angels conduct him into Purgatory, from which, after being purged, they lead him into Paradise. 
But if indeed, he departed in so much charity, that all the rust of sin was consumed, so that 
nothing purgeable remained, immediately the holy angels received him and carried him to the 
Kingdom of Heaven." 

On the Watt Paintings in the Church of St. Mary, Guildford. 211 

I cannot help thinking that we have in this myth a fragment of a very 
primitive faith whose history is too remote for any known record. The accept- 
ance by every great religious system, not only those of remote antiquity, but 
those which still hold sway over the minds of a large portion of the globe, is a 
remarkable witness to the power of popular religion. Between the teaching of 
Buddhism or of the Zenda-vesta or of that of Pope Gregory the Great, there is 
really no difference, nor from the principles taught in the earliest monuments of 
the Egyptian mythology. 

It has been suggested that these paintings may have been executed by one 
"William the Florentine, so called in a document of 44 Henry III. 1259, cited by 
Horace Walpole in his Anecdotes of Painting, chap. i. He is known to have been 
employed, about the above date, in amending the pictures of the great hall at 
Guildford (doubtless in the castle), and was directed to paint "on the white wall 
in our great chamber at the head of our bed a certain pall (quoddam pallium), as 
also pictures (tabulas), and the frontel of the altar of our chapel." There is 
nothing to be said against this theory, for it agrees with the style and execution 
of the work, which belongs to about the middle of the thirteenth century." But 
at this period there could have been no distinctive feature in Italian ecclesiastical 
art, which must have followed the same conventions common to the rest of 
Europe. As monasteries were the only schools, the art taught therein was kept 
in its peculiar province. So, indeed, we see here only what we are familiar with, 
in many examples, the common conventional work. Cimabue, who was the start- 
point of a great future, was, at the date last mentioned, only sixteen years of age, 
and though he had probably even then begun his study under Greek artists, newly 
brought to Florence, it was only a beginning ; and there is no record of any 
previous influence which would have made the ecclesiastical art of Italy superior 
to that of France or England, or the more advanced of German states. 

It is well, however, to note that there are features in the general arrangement, 
the mode of decorating the apse with the arch in front, that reminds us of that of 
the apsides of several of the early churches in Eome and elsewhere, where are 
mosaics of the eighth to the thirteenth centuries. This may be but accidental in 
its analogy, but it is worth a mention. It is also to be noted, that the treatment 
observed in the medallions is remarkable for the manner in which the several 
elements are condensed, suggesting rather than representing. There can be no 
doubt that St. John in the vat of boiling oil is intended in the medallion described. 

a Some observers have placed the date in the twelfth century, but the style quite forbids this. 

2 E 2 

212 On the Wall Paintings in the Church of St. Mary, Guild/ore!.. 

It can be no other ; yet the introduction of the figure of Christ in the act of 
qenediction is an idea hitherto unknown to that subject. It is a symbol, and the 
reclining figure by his side, having no part in the subject going on, symbolizes 
again another phase of St. John's history, i. e., the vision at Patmos subsequent to 
the action at the Porta Latina. Similarly also St. John is twice introduced where 
he is drinking from the chalice. The scene with the font is of the same descrip- 
tion ; and it is remarkable that no nimbus is given to any one but our Lord. All 
these points are to be well considered, as to whether some special influence is not 
here manifested. But we have proof that "William the Florentine was only of 
ordinary merit, judging from the payments made to him. Horace "Walpole falls 
into an error when he considered that another "William, a monk of "Westminster, 
who is styled the " King's painter," was identical with him. But Mr. John Gage 
Rokewode very clearly set this question at rest by comparing the payments of the 
two. It thus appears, that whilst the monk of "Westminster received as much as 
two shillings per diem, William the Florentine was paid but six pence." The 
latter could, therefore, have been only of the usual stamp. His presence at 
Guildford gives a probability to the suggestion that he may have executed these 
paintings ; and, if there be any foreign influence at all, it may probably be found 
in the facts I have alluded to. 

Certain it is that, in every way, we have here a series of the greatest possible 
interest ; and, it is a matter to be regretted, that, hitherto, they have not been 
accurately or completely rendered. They ought to have tracings taken of them 
before any further decay makes that process more difficult and of less value. 
Something ought also to be done for their preservation, as the series is unique, 
and time is working its way with its usual ruthless hand. 

a Vctnsta Monumenta, vol. vi. Account of the Painted Chamber, by John Gage Rokewode, F.B.S., 
Dir. S.A. p. 25. 

V. The Ancient Charters of Winchester. By THOMAS FEEDEEICK KIEBY, M.A. 

Read February 12, 1885. 

IT was in the month of March 1884, I think, that the Mayor of Winchester, Mr. 
Thomas Stopher, asked me to look at some ancient documents which had been 
found put away in a garret over a solicitor's office in Winchester. The documents, 
when I went to the place, proved to be the long-lost Charters of the City. The 
discovery was one of some interest just then, when we citizens were all thinking 
of the approaching celebration of the seven-hundredth anniversary of the mayoralty, 
in the following month of July. The discovery, too, gave us a nearly complete 
series of charters from Henry II. to Henry VIII. inclusive, whereas the earliest 
charter previously known to be in existence was that of Queen Elizabeth, now 
exhibited in our museum. 

How those charters came to be where I found them is unknown. My assump- 
tion is, that they were taken out of the city muniment room by a former town 
clerk who, once upon a time, occupied the place of business in which the charters 
were found : that he took them home with the object of arranging them in a 
catalogue, which is demonstrated by some notes in his handwriting, indorsed on 
some of the documents : and that, finally, he died or retired from business with- 
out completing his task, leaving the charters in the box, where they were found 
in the way that I have mentioned. 

No. 1 is a Charter of Henry II. It is in excellent preservation, but has lost 
the great seal. It was granted at Salisbury, and is without date, but cannot 
be later than the close of the year 1162, because it was at the close of that year 
that Thomas a'Becket who attested this charter as chancellor is known to have 
resigned that office on being elected Archbishop of Canterbury. Our local anti- 
quary, Mr. F. J. Baigent, attributes this charter to the early part of the year 
1158. It does not appear from Dr. Stubbs' Itinerary of Henry II. prefixed to 
the Eolls edition of Benedict of Peterborough, vol. ii. at what period the king 

214 The Ancient Charters of Winchester. 

was at Salisbury; but he may have been there during the interval between 25 
December, 1157 when he was crowned at Lincoln, and 4 April, 1158 when he 
was crowned at "Worcester. Or he may have been there at Midsummer 1158, on 
his way from "Woodstock to Portsmouth to take ship for Normandy. This charter 
simply grants, in as few words as possible, freedom of toll, passage, and custom to 
the citizens of "Winchester of the Gild-merchant. 

No. 2 is another Charter of the same king, also in good preservation and still 
retaining a fragment of the great seal. It was also granted at Salisbury without 
date and attested by Thomas a'Becket as chancellor. It is recited as second in 
order in subsequent confirmatory charters, and therefore may be regarded as 
second in point of time, but there is no internal evidence on the subject. It 
confers, in most concise terms, on the citizens of Winchester the same liberties 
as they enjoyed in the time of Henry I., without more particularly defining them. 

The accompanying Plate represents Nos. 1 and 2. 

No. 3 is a Charter of Eichard I., granting divers privileges to the citizen- 
members of the Gild-merchant. It is in capital preservation, but the seal is 
lost. a 

No. 4 is a Charter of Henry III. granting to the citizens the right to have 
a mint and an exchange of money within the city ; also the site of two water 
corn-mills at a place called Coitebury, a locality which may be readily identified 
at the present day, as it is the part of the city .of "Winchester in which the Black 
or Preaching Friars were settled in the thirteenth century, and remained until 
the Dissolution, when their house was annexed to "Winchester College under an 
exchange with Henry VIII. The profits of these mills were to go to the repara- 
tion of the city, which had not recovered from its misfortunes in Stephen's time. 
By the gift of the two mills I do not understand two distinct mills, with separate 
water-power, but one mill with two pairs of stones for grinding wheat and 
grinding barley, such as we find to this day on our Hampshire rivers. There 
seem to have been some five mints in Winchester in the time of Henry I. but he 
suppressed them. A " mint " was any sort of forge where the blanks could be 
cast, and then hammered between the dies. This charter is tattered, and in places 
almost illegible. But Mr. John Benham, a member of our town council, has a 
duplicate of it in excellent preservation, which was handed over by the city 
authorities when his father enfranchised the City Mill as the title deed of that 
property. By the kindness of Mr. Thomas Stopher I am able to exhibit a 
photograph of it to you. 

a It is printed from a copy in Cart. Antiq. in Rymer's Fcedera, ed. 1816, vol. i. pt. i. p. 50. 


Vol. XUX. 

^. 7 Com J\<$- MQl>. fe'Jfc ' 

^^H^'H'f %->*; 

^i"+K vtiiiJ SN?M^- ~j-i 

\V.?v* 'Atf -> 1W *W ? -A*?. 7 i 
f V ^/ "- t A - 4 - 

Uritif t>wrvt>- \W- \ u 

* \ 17 ' ' V V Vt*At\* *T/l 

~&^5^*v3%$-. u-"^^-^ Mb^: 

,^C,nNii\ ^ irf< Vu^ii'"- r^' V.5i( V?y Aw mH-tr vcny 

' ^, H **?! ;w'C^,% d<.1 _^n<**iif^t l.A /V*- 

^ n \ lt crtwTTic^ -11 i'V. * WV ^" "U vx%- ^*: Y'"\ """ "" *vr uctt 
V \ - frtttCAtif <>mi* Ae*** 1 7 XvlW tV^ 7 cttictnr^ fnA A&, 

dP V>iV ttr ' r 1 Is ' \ J P c ~ "? ' 4 ' 

? t i^ttU "^luit^i^ i\ lit^ 7 Jv v \wndM\tcc ^tc tttt^. 


tiitU rtnti 

; U 


The Ancient Charters of Winchester. 215 

Nos. 5 and 6 are a Charter and duplicate of Edward I. confirming both charters 
of Henry II. without alluding to the charter of Henry III. Both documents 
are in excellent preservation, but the latter only has any portion of the seal, and 
that a mere fragment, appended to it. 

No. 7 is a confirmatory Charter of Edward II. 

No. 8 is a Charter of Edward III. dated at Nottingham, 5 May, 1 Ed. III. 1327. 
It confirms both charters of Henry II. and the charter of Edward I. and assigns 
to Queen Isabel, widow of Edward II. for her life, a rent of 100 marks, which 
was payable by the city to the crown. 

No. 9 is another Charter of Edward III. granting exemptions from " barbi- 
canage" and "bretage," which seem to have been taxes for maintaining the 
barbicans and wooden castles (Du Cange) used in front of the walls in times of 

No. 10 is a Charter of confirmation by Richard II. in fine preservation, and the 
seal perfect. 

No. 11 is a Charter of Henry IV. confirming the last-mentioned charter of 
Edward III. 

No. 12 is a Charter of Henry VI. confirming the last-mentioned charter. 

No. 13 is a Grant by Henry VI. of the privilege of holding a market every 
Saturday, in lieu of markets previously held on Wednesdays and Sundays. The 
seal is perfect, and the document generally in first-rate order. 

No. 14 is a lengthy Charter of Edward IV. in excellent preservation, com- 
mencing, " Inspeximus literas patentes H. sexti nuper de facto non de jure Eegis 
Anglie," and confirming No. 12, and another charter of Henry VI. which we do 
not possess. By this charter, after a preamble stating that Winchester is one of the 
ancient cities of the realm, and famous for coronations and investitures of so many 
of the kings his predecessors, and has, through repeated outbreaks of plague and 
withdrawals of citizens and merchants from residence within the walls, suffered 
the ruin of no less than 11 streets, 17 parish churches, and 987 houses within the 
previous fifty years, so as to be unable to render the annual payments of 100 marks 
to the king, and 60 shillings to Magdalen Hospital, or to pay the 51Z. 10s. 4d., 
which was its share of a subsidy, or to do the necessary repairs of the walls ; the 
king grants to the citizens the goods of felons and outlaws and waifs and 
strays within the city, and further confers on them the privilege of electing four of 
their number to be aldermen, who, together with the mayor and two or three of 
the discreeter sort of citizens, were to hear and determine, in the king's absence, 
all differences arising within the city. 

216 The Ancient Charters of Winchester. 

There had been aldermen of the city from an earlier period ; but they were 
local officers, charged with the maintenance of order and cleanliness within their 
respective districts. It is to this charter that they owed their magisterial 
functions prior to the Municipal Corporations Act. 

No. 15 is a Charter of Henry VIII. confirming a missing charter of Henry VII. 
and another, dated in 1510, which granted that the mayor might thenceforth take 
the oath of allegiance upon his appointment before the mayor, recorder, and two 
or three citizens, instead of before the Court of Exchequer a privilege which is 
expressed to be granted as a concession to the poverty of the city, and was no 
doubt a boon to successive mayors, saving them the time and expense of a journey 
to London, and the fees when they got there. A writ of the Court of 
Exchequer, dated 30th September, 1421, declaring that William Reson had been 
sworn mayor of Winchester for the ensuing year, and enjoining the citizens to 
obey him, is preserved in the muniment room within Winchester College. 

No. 17 is a Licence under the great seal, dated 12 Feb. 8 Hen. VIII. 1516/7, 
for the city to purchase lands in mortmain to the annual value of 40Z. The reason 
given for the concession, the great poverty of the city, has a savour of irony 
about it. 

No. 18 is another Charter of Henry VIII. granting the right to hold two fairs 
annually, one on the Feast of the Translation of King Edward the Confessor and 
the day after (October 13-14), and the other on the first Monday in Lent and the 
day after. This marks the practical extinction of the monopoly enjoyed before 
the Eeformation by the monastery of St. Swithun and Hyde Abbey for the famous 
Fair on St. Giles' Hill. 

No. 19 is a Deed of Gift by Philip and Mary to the city of sundry chief rents 
and some house property within the city, which formerly belonged to the dissolved 
abbeys of St. Mary, Winchester, and Wherwell, and to Southwick Priory, and the 
Collegiate Church of St. Mary Kalender in Winchester. This was no doubt an 
acknowledgment by Philip and Mary of the loyalty shown by the city on the 
occasion of their marriage, which was solemnised in Winchester Cathedral. The 
deed is dated at Hampton Court, 7 September, 1 and 2 Ph. and M. 1554, and 
is in excellent preservation, but the seal is missing. The title of the deed is 
a capital specimen of the penmanship of the period. Within the loop of the 
P of " Philippus " are depicted the king and queen seated side by side on thrones, 
the king a typical Spanish cavalier, and the queen a tolerable portrait, regarding 
each other out of the corners of their eyes with an expression that was not meant 
to be comic. 

The Ancient Charters of Winchester. 217 

No. 20 is a Deed of Assignment by Queen Joan, the widow of Henry IV. 
of her life interest in sundry dues within the city, enjoyed by her as part of 
her dower, to the mayor and corporation, in consideration of an annual payment 
of four marks by the grantees. This deed is in excellent preservation, but of its 
seal, a beautiful impression in red wax, circular, about 2f inches in diameter, less 
than half is remaining. 

No. 21 is one of the most interesting documents in the series. It is an 
Indenture under seal of the Prior and Convent of St. Swithun with the Mayor 
and Corporation, by which, after reciting that questions have arisen touching the 
guardianship and maintenance of the South Gate and King's Gate, and also 
touching the ownership of the same, and that losses have been sustained through 
the omission to defend those gates, either through the malice, or connivance (as 
was alleged) of the Prior and Convent in the time of the recent war (proxime 
guerre), it was agreed that the Prior and Convent should for the future at their 
own expense maintain both these gates and the drawbridge (pons versatilis) with- 
out the South Gate, and provide proper crenellations (kernelli) on either flank of 
the drawbridge. This deed is dated on St. Edmund of Canterbury's Day, 16 Nov. 
1266, the year after the conclusion of the Barons' "War, in which we know 
that the city suffered heavily. The mayor, Simon, who is named in the deed, is 
Simon Draper, one of the earliest mayors whose names are recorded. His name 
occurs as attesting witness in several deeds of this period belonging to the college, 
and they possess a grant by him to Hyde Abbey for the soul of his wife Ella, 
which will be found transcribed in the Proceedings of this Society (28 June, 
1883), 2nd S. vol. ix. p. 365. The seal is nearly perfect, in dark sienna wax ; 
form, oval; measuring about 3 in. by 2J in.; subject, apparently, St. Swithun. 

The next, No. 22, is of local interest only, a Licence in Mortmain to John 
Devenish, who was mayor in 1317, to endow the Masters and Brethren of St. 
John's Hospital, in Winchester, with 100L of chief rents in Winchester and 
Little Sombourne. It bears date 20 Jan. 5 Ed. II. 1311/2, and is well pre- 
served, though the seal is imperfect. 

We now come to a series of instruments relating to the "ulnage," or duty on 
cloth exposed for sale within the city. The manufacture of cloth appears to have 
been the chief industry of our city in the Middle Ages. The consuetudinary or 
exemplification under the city seal of the constitution and customs of the city in 
the thirteenth century, which is preserved in Winchester College, contains a 
series of minute regulations having for their object the protection of weaving, 
fulling, and dyeing (Archaeul. Journ. Mar. 1852, vol. ix. p. 69). 

218 The Ancient Charters of Winchester. 

No. 23 is a Grant by Henry VI. to his confessor, Brother John Tylle, a Friar 
Preacher, of a pension for life of 40 marks per annum out of the ulnage. It is 
dated 4 Jan. 14 Hen. VI. 1435/6. Tylle must have enjoyed this pension but a 
short time, as No. 24 is a grant by the same king of the ulnage, together with a 
moiety of the penalties imposed on frauds in connection with cloth, for a term of 
eight years, to one John Gymer, rendering a rent of 50 marks per annum, without 
mention made of Tylle's pension. 

Nos. 25, 26, and 27 are Charters of Edward IV. and Henry VIII. granting 
and renewing 40 marks a year out of the ulnage to the citizens in consideration of 
their poverty. 

No. 28 is a similar Charter by James I. 

No. 29 is a Regrant by Louis, Duke of Lenox, to the citizens of their interest 
in the ulnage, which had been apparently assigned to him by way of mortgage. 

The last of the recovered charters is No. 30, a Charter of Charles II., dated 
21 Mar. 26 Car. II. 1673/4. It is in excellent preservation, and is headed by a 
striking copper-plate portrait of that monarch. The seal is as usual imperfect. 
This charter, like almost all that precede it, contains allusions to the decay and 
poverty of the city, and reduces on that ground the fee-farm rent payable by the 
city from 100 marks to 50 marks for a term of 60 years. 

VI. On the u'ords "0 SAPIENTIA" in the Kalendar. By EVEEAED G-EEEN, F.S.A. 

Read December llth, 1884. 

Ix the Book of Common Prayer, in the Kalendar, on December the sixteenth, the 


occur, which words some have fondly imagined to be the names of a Virgin and 
Martyr, a whom they tried, "with much ingenuity and more ignorance," to prove 
one of the companions of S. Ursula ; (1) and others have confounded the 


with the medieval devotion of the XV. O's, (2) which in no shape or form was, at 
any time, part of a liturgical service, but merely fifteen private prayers each 
beginning with the letter 0, as may be seen in Mr. Maskell's Monumenta Ritualia. (3) 
These XV. O's, however, are of some interest, as they were printed by Caxton in 
English, and are to be found in most of our Prymers. (3) 

The words SAPIENTIA, in the Kalendar of the Bool- of Common Prayer, refer 
to nothing in the book, and one has to go back to the Kalendars of the Mediaeval 
Church, and then to look in the various Breviaries, past and present, of Christen- 
dom, to fully comprehend the meaning of the words SAPIENTIA. 

In the Kalendar of that magnificent illuminated MS. Psalter of Robert de 
Lindsey, who died Abbot of Peterborough on the twenty-fifth day of October, 
1224 (which book is in the happy possession of the Society of Antiquaries of 

a In the Kalendar of the Book of Hours of Louis, Duke of Anjou, 1390 (now in the Bibliotheque 
Rationale, Paris), Sapientia does occur in the form " Saint Sapience." 

220 On the words " Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 

London), the words SAPIENTIA occur opposite the XVII. of the Kalends of 
January, which answers to our sixteenth day of December. And the same words 
are to be found in the Kalendars of the Book of Hours of Anne of Brittany, and 
of the Sarum, Exeter, Hereford, and York Service-books. And whenever the 
words SAPIENTIA are to be found in Kalendars they are to be taken only as a 
note, to remind the user of the book that certain greater antiphons each beginning 
with the letter 0, and which precede the august Feast of the Nativity of Our 
Lord begin to be used. 

In the Kalendar of a Roman Breviary, printed at Venice in 1705, for the use 
of the Franciscans, we find, instead of the words Sapientia, the words "Indpiunt 
Ferice 135," which refer one to the page in the Breviary in which the seven great 
O's of Advent are given. In the Kalendar of the Diurnale Andegavense (Angers), 
printed in 1734, opposite the sixteenth day of December are the words "Initium 
Antiphonarum 0"; and in the Kalendar of a Cistercian Breviary, printed at 
Brussels in 1794, opposite December the 17th, are the words " Indpiunt 
Antiphonce 0." 

These antiphons, which are known by the two initial words of the first in 
order, viz. : 

" SAPIENTIA quce ex ore Altissimi prodiisti," 

have, in different parts of Christendom, various names (4). In the Roman Breviary 
in use to-day (which book many liturgical students call the Breviarium Pianum, 
as it is substantially the revision issued by command of S. Pius V., by a Bull dated 
the twenty- fifth day of June, 1568), they are called Antiphonce Major es. At Langres 
in France they were called "Antiphonce Solemnes," and Du Cange, in his glossary, 
gives the word " Oleries " as probably designating the " great O's," and quotes 
a letter of 1478 ; " Le Dimenche dernier des Oleries de devant Noel." (Sub 
lit. O). In England, however, they would seem to have been called by the layfolk 
" the O's of Advent," or, "the great O's." (3) 

The Great O's varied in number in the different Churches of Christendom. 
Some had only seven, which is the number in the Breviarium Pianum, and seven 
is also the number in the Breviaries of Lyons, Toul, Prague (and Constance after 
1599), not to speak of the Benedictine, Carthusian, Cistercian, Norbertin, Fran- 
ciscan, Dominican, and Carmelite Breviaries. 

Eight was the number at Angers, Langres, Soissons, Troyes, Besanyon, 

On the words " Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 221 

Bayeux, Elieims, Orleans, Rouen, and Paris, and in the Breviary of the Congre- 
gation of Benedictines of S. Justina of Padua ; and eight, in an English form, 
have, since 1852, found their way into many of the hymn-books of private adventure 
with which this country is flooded. 

There were nine Great O's at Siena, Coutances, Autun, Vienne, Tours, Frejus, 
Lisieux, Le Mans, Amiens, Arras, Avranches, Sens, and Auxerre; and twelve Great 
O's at Cividale del Friuli and Aquileia in Italy, as well as at Bamberg, Freising, 
Augsburg, Liege, Constance, Ratisbon, and Salzburg ; but whatever might be the 
number sung in any Church the seven greater antiphons of the Roman Church ever 
took precedence of the rest, until the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when 
new Breviaries were constructed in France, which (5) must not be confused with the 
ancient Gallican Service-books current before the time of Charlemagne. In these 
modern French Breviaries (the oldest of which is that of Paris, dating from 1G80) 
not only is the order of the ancient Great O's of the Roman Church altered, 
and new ones added, but the text of the old ones is constantly found altered, and 
not always for the better, as I think is notable in the case in the Breviarium 
Lingonense (Langres) of 1731. 

The Roman Church begins her Great O's of Advent at Evensong or Vespers 
on the seventeenth day of December, and on the seventeenth they also begin in the 
Breviaries of Lyons, Toul, and Prague ; as is the case in the Benedictine, Carthusian, 
Cistercian, Norbertin, Franciscan, Dominican, and Carmelite Breviaries. 

However, on the sixteenth of December, they began at Salisbury, Exeter, Here- 
ford, York, Angers, Langres, Soissons, Noyon, Besancon, Bayeux, Rheims, Orleans, 
and Rouen ; and, on the fifteenth of December, at Paris, Coutances, Autun, 
Yienne, Tours, Frejus, Lisieux, Le Mans, Amiens, Arras, Avranches, Sens, and 
Auxerre ; whilst at Cividale del Friuli, Aquileia, Siena, Liege, Salzburg, Ratisbon, 
Bamberg, Augsburg, Constance, and Freising, the Great O's began on December the 
thirteenth, which, in every kalendar I have seen of both the Eastern and Western 
Church, is the feast of S. Lucy, Virgin and Martyr. 

Of the seven Great O's of the Roman Church, Odericus, a Canon of Siena in 
1213, says, "has tantum sept em posuit Gregorius in antiphonario." (6) Should this 
be the case, as S. Gregory the Great is the reputed compiler of the Antiphonary 
(which is still in use in the Roman Church), they would date from about 590, and 
may have been brought into England by S. Augustine and his fellow monks in 
the spring of the year of 597. Be this as it may, it is very certain that they date 
from before the year 804 A.D., as one of them, Glacis David, is mentioned in the 
life of Alcuin. 

222 On the words " Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 

The seven Roman, or Gregorian, Great " O's " are as follows : 

I. SAPIENTIA, quae ex ore Altissimi prodiisti, attingens a fine usque ad 
finem ; fortiter suaviterque disponens omnia : Veni, ad docendum nos viam pru- 

II. ADONA!, et Dux domus Israel, qui Moysi in igne flammae rubi apparuisti, 
et ei in Sina legem dedisti : Veni, ad redimendum nos in brachio extento. 

III. O RADIX JESSE, qui stas in signum populorum, super quern continebunt reges 
os suum, quern Gentes deprecabuntur : Veni, ad liberandum nos, jam noli tardare. 

IV. C LA vis DAVID, et sceptrum domus Israel ; qui aperis, et nemo claudit ; 
claudis, et nemo aperit : Veni, et educ vinctum de domo carceris, sedentem in 
tenebris, et umbra mortis. 

V. OKIENS, splendor lucis seternEe, et Sol justitise : Veni, et illumina sedentes 
in tenebris, et umbra mortis. 

VI. O REX GENTIUM, et desideratus earum, lapisque angularis, qui facis 
utraque unum : Veni, et salva hominem, quern de limo formasti. 

VII. EMANUEL, Rex et Legifer noster, expectatio Gentium, et Salvator 
earum : Veni, ad salvandum nos, Domine Deus noster. 

Bach great " 0" I have attempted to translate into the most forcible English 
at my command, and shall be only too glad " to correct in any part or all " (7). 

I. Sapientia. ' 

WISDOM, that proceedest from the mouth of the Most High, reaching from 
end to end ; mightily and sweetly disposing all things : Come, and teach us the 
way of prudence. 

II. Adonai. 

ADONAI, and Leader of the House of Israel, Who didst appear to Moses in 
the fire of the burning bush, and gavest to him the Law on Sinai : Come, and 
redeem us with outstretched arm. 

III. Radix. 

ROOT or JESSE, "Who standest for an ensign of the people, before whom 
kings shall be silent, to whom the nations shall pray : Come, and deliver iis, 
tarry not. 

IV. Clavis David. 

KEY OF DAVID, and Sceptre of the House of Israel, Who openest and no man 

a An old English metrical translation of the eight Great O's of the Sarum Breviary is given in 
the Appended Note (E) to this Paper. 

On the tvords " Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 223 

shutteth, "Who shuttest and no man openeth : Come, and bring Mm who is bound 
out of the prison-house, who sitteth in darkness, and in the shadow of death. 

V. Oriens. 

ORIENT, Splendour of Eternal Light, and Sun of Justice : Come, and 
illuminate those who sit in darkness, and in the shadow of death. 

VI. Bex Gentium. 

KING OF THE NATIONS, and their desire, Corner-stone, Who makest both 
one : Come, and save man, whom Thou didst form from the dust of the earth. 

VII. Emmanuel. ' 

EMMANUEL, our King and our Law-giver, the Expectation of the Nations 
and their Saviour : Come, and save us, Lord our God. 

As it will be seen, the words of these seven great O's are for the most part 
taken from Holy Scripture, and the fourth, Glavis David, is thus mentioned 
in the 14th chapter of the life of our countryman, the great Alcuin, who was 
born at York, and who died at Tours on Whitsunday of the year 804 : 
" Jam ergo Albinus corpore dissolvi cupiens, et cum Christo esse desiderans, 
exorabat votis omnibus eum, ut die, quo in linguis igneis Spiritus Sanctus super 
Apostolos venisse visus est, et eorum corda replevit, si fieri posset, migraret e 
mundo. Vespertinum siquidem pro se agens officium in loco, quo elegerat post 
obitum quiescere, juxta videlicet Ecclesiam Sancti Martini, Hymnum Sanctae Maria? 
evangelicum cum hac antiphona decantabat : Glavis David et sceptrum donius 
Israel, qui aperis et nemo claudit, claudis et nemo aperit, veni et educ vinctum de domo 
carceris, sedentem in tenebris, et umbra mortis." 

a If the first letter after each 0, of the Gregorian O's, is read in the inverse order, that is 
upwards, the words Ero eras are formed, which gives not a little colouring to the words " eras " and 
" crastina," which occur eighteen times in the Breviary Services for the Vigil of Christmas in the 

Roman Breviary. 

S . . . . apientia. 

A .... donai. 
B . adix. 

C . lavis. 

.... riens. 
R . . . .ex 
E . mmanuel. 

Ero Cras 


On the ^cords " Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 

The first addition to the seven great O's of the Gregorian Antiphonary seems 
to have been made before the year 820, as Amalarius of Metz when he published 
his invaluable work, De divinis offidis, (8) gives us, besides the seven Roman 
" O's," the following one, as it would appear, from the Metz Antiphonary : 

VIII. VIEGO VIEGINUM, quomodo fiet istud ? Quia nee primam similem visa 
es, nee habere sequentem." Filise Jerusalem, quid me admiramini ? Divinum est 
mysterium hoc quod cernitis. 

VIII. Virgo Virginum. 

VIRGIN OF VIRGINS, how shall this come to pass ? For neither before thee 
appeared any like unto thee ; nor shall there be one to follow thee. Daughters 
of Jerusalem, why look ye wondering at me ? This is a divine mystery that ye 

Amalarius tells us, what should be specially noted, that these great " O's " 
were sung at Magnificat as well as at Benedictus, during the week before the 
Lord's Nativity, and he arranges these greater-antiphons as they were sung at 
Metz, viz. : 

I. Sapientia. 
III. Emmanuel. 

V. Oriens. 
VII. Rex Gentium. 

II. Clavis David. 
IV. O Radix Jesse. 
VI. Adona'i. 
VIII. Virgo Virginum. 

Benedict (9), a Canon of S. Peter's, in his Liber Pollicitus, written in the first 
half of the twelfth century, and describing the usages of the Roman Church, 
says : "A festivitate S. Nicolai usque ad feriam ante Natalem Domini cantantur 
ha? antiphonse ad Matutinum, Sapientia, ad Benedictus, et ceterae omnes in 
quatuor temporibus." (Mabillon, Ordo Romanus XI., Museum Italicum, 1689, 
torn. ii. p. 124.) But, probably, soon after his time, they came to be only sung at 
evensong at Magnificat, as is the custom of the Church to-day. 

However, at Rome, the Virgo Virginum does not seem to have found a place 
in her antiphonary until after 1286, as Durandus makes no mention of it ; but, 
sometime between 1286 and 1568, the Virgo Virginum was at times inserted ; S. 
Pius V., when he restored and reformed the Roman Breviary, in the sixteenth 
century, struck it out. The Spanish Church, however, retained it, and through 
her it again made its appearance in the Roman Breviary in 1725, (10) and, this 
time, as the a.ntiphon of Magnificat at second vespers in festo Expectations 

At times the reading is quia nee prima tui similis visa est, nee habebis sequentem. 

On the words " Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 225 

Partus B.V.M.; so that, to-day, the Virgo Virginum is sung at Magnificat on the 
eighteenth of December, and the proper great O of the eighteenth, the Adona'i, 
is sung afterwards, as the Commemoration of Advent.* 

The history of this feast of the Expectation is somewhat mixed up with the . 
history of the great O's, and is as follows. 

The Spanish Church used to keep the feast of the Annunciation on December 
the eighteenth," by a decree of the tenth Council of Toledo in 656. (11) Her object 
was to prevent the fea^t falling in Holy- Week or Easter- Week. When, however, 
she once more adopted the Roman usage with regard to the Annunciation, the/ 
feast of the Expectation was instituted to replace the old observance on December 
the eighteenth, " quod alibi dicitur Festum Natalis " (19). 

Spaniards still speak of the feast as Nostra Signora dell' 0, (12) and in certain 
French books we find La Feste des ; and it is called so not only on account of 
the Virgo Virginum, which is sung at second Vespers of the feast, but also 
because the first of the greater Antiphons, Sapientia, is sung in first Vespers 
of the feast as the Commemoration of Advent (i. e. on December 17th). 

In Spain, to-day, (11) a High-Mass is sung at a very early hour each morning, 
from the feast of the Expectation till Christmas Eve, at which all who are great 
with child, whether rich or poor, consider it a duty to assist. 

In the Church of Milan the week before Christmas is called Hebdomada de 
Exceptato ; for thus the popular expression has corrupted the word expectato; and, 
perhaps, it is worth while to mention, that this Spanish feast was extended to the 
Venetian territory in 1695, and to the States of the Church by Pope Benedict 
XIII. in 1725. It is kept in England, but it is not a feast of the ivliole Church. (10) 

The next additions to the great O's are the following from the Codices 
Forojulienses, (13) which are also to be found in eleventh-century MSS. at S. Gall : 

a In the Dominican Breviary, the Virgo Virginum is said daily during Advent at Magnificat in 
the Officiuin quotidianum Beatce Marice, and in the same Breviary it is ordered to be said at 
Magnificat " in Sabbatis Adventus usque ad Nat. Domini " in the Votive Saturday Office of the 
Blessed Virgin. In the York Breviary (Ed. Lawley, vol. ii. p. 243) it occurs as the antiphon to 
Magnificat at second vespers on the Feast of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin. Grancolas, in 
his Commentarius Historicus in Breviarium Romanum (lib. ii. cap. xii.), adds that "In pluribus 
Ecclesiis Natalis supervigilio, scilicet 23 Decembris, Vesperee solemnes erant propter Antiphonam, 
Virgo Virginum. Campante prseterea omnes pulsabantur, albffi vestes, et incensum adhibebantur." 

b In the Mozarabic Breviary, which is used in certain churches in Spain, the Feast of the 
Annunciation is still kept on December 18th of each year. 

226 On the words " Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 

IX. GABRIEL, Nuncius Coelorum, qui januis clausis ad me intrasti, et Verbum 
nunciasti : Concipies et paries : EMANUEL vocabitur. a 

X. REX PACIFICE, ante secula nate, per auream egredere portam, redemptos 
tuos visita, et eos illuc revoca, unde ruerunt per culpam. 

XI. JERUSALEM, Civitas Dei summi, leva in circuitu oculos tuos, et vide 
Dominum Deum tuum, quia jam veniet solvere te a vinculis. 

XII. MUNDI DOMINA, Regio ex Semine orta, ex tuo jam Christus processit 
alvo, tanquam sponsus de thalamo : hie jacet in praesepio, qui sidera regit. 

IX. Gabriel. 

GABEIEL, Ambassador of Heaven, who earnest to me when the doors were 
shut, and didst announce unto me the Word: "Thou shalt conceive and bear a 
Son : He shall be called Emmanuel." 

X. Rex Pacifice. 

KING OF PEACE, born before all ages, come by the Golden Gate, visit Thy 
redeemed, and call them back to the place from whence by sin they fell. 

XI. O Jerusalem. 

JERUSALEM, City of the Great God, lift up thine eyes round about, and see 
the Lord thy God, who now cometh to loose thee from thy chains. 

XII. O Mundi Domina. 

LADY OF THE "WORLD, sprung of Royal Race, now hath Christ come forth 
from thy womb as a bridegroom from His chamber : Here lieth He in the crib 
who ruleth the stars. 

As regards the mundi Domina, which was sung on Christmas Eve (called in 
most Celtic languages the Night of Mary], (14), the old rubric at Cividale del 
Friuli in Italy is as follows : (13). 

" Exeat Sacerdos paratus de Sacristia, cantantibus pueris, et ascendat ad 
imperium, et cantet Evangelium, scilicet Liber Generationis. Complete Evangelic 
dicitur antiph. mundi Domina. Finita ant. dicitur statim Te Deum laudamus." 

This was also the custom at the Benedictine Abbeys of S. Germain des Pres, 
S. Vandrille or Fontenelle, and S. Pierre-sur-Dive. (15) 

a " Gabriel " according to Cardinal Thomasius (Ed. Vezzosi, iv. 218) was also once the 
Antiphon to Magnificat at second Vespers, on the feast of the Annunciation of the B. V. M. 

On the words "0 Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 227 

In place, however, of mundi Domina, the antiphon, at Bee, Lyre, Cluny, and 
Corbie, and from the days of Lanfranc at Canterbury, and by all those " qui 
statuta Lanfranci tenebant," was, (16) 

BEATA INFANTIA, per quam nostri generis reparata est vita, gratissimi 
delectabilesque vagitus, per quos eternos ploratus evasimus. felices panni, 
quibus peccatorum sordes extersimus. presepe splendidum, in quo non solum 
jacuit foenum animalium, sed cibus inventus est Angelorum. (Thomasius* Psalterium 
cum Canticis, ed. Blanchinius, torn. i. p. ii. p. 493.)" 

BLESSED CHILDHOOD, by which is made anew the life of our race. wailing 
sweet and loveable, whereby we have escaped everlasting wailings. happy 
swaddling bands, wherewith we have wiped off the soil of sin. royal manger, 
wherein, not only lay the hay of beasts, but where, too, was found the food of 

And here I should like to draw attention to what Odericus, in 1213 after 
stating that S. Gregory placed the seven great O's in the Roman Antiphonary 
goes on to say, (6) " Sed quasdam alige Ecclesia? non ex ratione, sed ex consuetudine 
plures quam septem cantant ; sicut Senensis Chorus, qui duas addit. Scilicet 
Virgo Virginum, and Rex Pacifice." 

The great O to Saint Thomas the Apostle, whose feast falls on December 
the twenty-first, is more modern than the Gabriel, but it dates certainly from the 
thirteenth century, (17) and it was almost universally used instead of Gabriel, 
but the former never seems to have found a place in the Roman Breviary. The 
antiphon is as follows : 

XIII. THOMA DIDYME, per Christum quern meruisti tangere ; te precibus 
rogamus altisonis succurre nobis miseris, ne damnemur cum impiis in Adventu 
Judicis. (34) 

a " The Venerable" Cardinal Thomasins on the same page gives us the following amongst the 
" Antiphonffi in Adventu Domini," from a MS. in the Vatican : "Venite omnes, et exultemus in 
" conspectu Domini ; quia prope est dies, in quo Natalem ejus celebremus ; ut in illo die, mundo 
" corde ad altare Domini perveniamus : quia promittitur Filius Virgini per visitationem Spiritus 
" Sancti. O beata infantia, per quam generis nostri vita est reparata ; quia tamquam sponsus de 
" thalamo Mai-ire, Christus processit ex utero. Virgo super Virgines benedicta ; sic paries filium, 
" ut et virginitatis non patiaris detrimentum." In the same volume, at pages 518 to 521, the seven 
Gregorian O's will be found incorporated into the " Preces ad adorandam Crucem," from a Vatican 
MS. with the heading " Incipiunt Orationes ad Adorandam Crucem ; sive ad desposcenda suffragia 
omnium Sanctorum." From internal evidence, Mr. Edmund Bishop believes that the MS. from which 
they are printed was written in the great Benedictine Abbey of Reichenau, on the Lake of Constance. 
Vide Pertz, Nonumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptorum, torn. i. p. 67 ; torn. iv. p, 450. 

228 On the words "0 Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 

XIII. Thoma Didyme. 

THOMAS DIDYMUS, by that Christ whom it was vouchsafed to thee to touch ; 
fervently we cry unto thee and say, Help us, miserable sinners, lest we be con- 
demned with the ungodly at the coming of the Judge. 

At Salisbury this was sung at both first and second Vespers of S. Thomas, viz. 
on the 20th and 21st of each December. At York, however, it was only sung on 
the 20th at first Vespers, which seems to have been the practice at Constance, 
Freising, Ratisbon, Salzburg, and Liege. 

The next great O is found in the Liege Breviary. 

XIV. SUMME ARTIFEX, polique Rector siderum altissime; ad homines descende, 
sedentes in tenebris et umbra mortis. 

XIV. 8umim Artifex. 

GREAT ARCHITECT, and most high Ruler of the Heavens ; come down to 
men, sitting in darkness and in the shadow of death. 

Romsee of Liege, writing in 1791, speaks of it as the twelfth great O at 
Liege ; where it was sung each 23rd day of December. 

In the modern French breviaries five other great 0?s are to be found ; and 
Gran colas and Romsee tell us that two of these, viz. Sancte Sanctorum and 
Pastor Israel, which are in the Breviaries of Paris, Autun, Vienne, Tours, Frejus, 
Lisieux, Le Mans, Amiens, Arras, Soissons, and Avranches, date from 1680 (18). 
The other three, Bone Pastor, qui ; and Bone Pastor, visita ; and Dominc, 
fac mirabilia, are even later in date. The five are as follows : 

XV. SANCTE SANCTORUM, Speculum sine macula Dei majestatis, et imago 
bonitatis illius : Veni, ut deleatur iniquitas, et adducatur justitia sempiterna. 

XVI. PASTOR ISRAEL, et Dominator in domo David : cujus egressus ab initio, 
a diebus aeternitatis : Veni, ut pascas populum tuum in fortitudine, et regnes in 
justitia et judicio. 

XVII. A BONE PASTOR, qui requiris et visitas oves : Veni, et libera eas de 
omnibus locis in quibus disperses fuerant in die nubis et caliginis." 

XVII. B BONE PASTOR, visita gregem timm, require quod periit, reduc quod 
abjectum, consolida quod infirmum ; ut impositas in humeros oves, in judicio 
pascas, et ad vitaa fontes aquarum deducas. b 

a Vide Breviaries of Auxerre, Avranches, and Rouen (revised). 
b Vide Breviaries of Sens and Langres. 

On the words "0 Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 229 

XVIII. DOMINE, fac mirabilia, cogitationes antiquas fideles : Virgo pariat 
filium : mulier conterat caput serpentis : hoc erit memoriale nominis tui, cum 
manus feminas dejecerit eum. a 

XV. Sancte Sanctorum. 

HOLY OF HOLIES, Mirror without spot of the majesty of God and image of 
His goodness : Come, blot out iniquity, and bring back everlasting justice. 

XVI. Pastor Israel 

SHEPHERD OF ISKAEL, and Ruler in the House of David, whose going forth is 
from the beginning, from the days of eternity : Come, and feed Thy people in 
strength, and reign in justice and judgment. 

XVIP. Bone Pastor. 

GOOD SHEPHERD, who seekest and visitest the sheep : Come, and free them 
in all places whither they were scattered in the days of clouds and darkness. 

XVIP. Bone Pastor visita. 

GOOD SHEPHERD, Visit Thy flock, seek the strayed, raise up the fallen, 
strengthen the weak, and so feed in justice the sheep which Thou bearest upon 
Thy shoulders, and bring them to the fountains of living water. 

XVIII. O Domine fac mirabilis. 

LORD, work great marvels, Thy faithful counsels of old : let the Virgin 
bring forth a Son : let the Woman bruise the serpent's head: for this shall be a 
memorial of Thy Name when the hand of the "Woman hath cast him down. 

In the Breviarium Pianurn it is ordered that the great O of each day be 
said " ante et post Magnificat integras sicut in duplicibus," but Grancolas (19) 
tells us that at Paris and in other churches " Vetus mos non solum duplicandi, 
sed etiam triplicandi Antiphonas servatur in Adventu ad 0, quod ante Magnificat 
canitur, atque ante Gloria Patri, et post Sicut erat." 

In the general rubrics of the Paris Breviary, under the heading " De Anti- 
phonis," we read 

a Vide Breviaries of Noyon, Sens, and Auxerre. At Noyon it began Sancte Sanctorum De-mine 
fac mirabilia. It is constructed from Isa. xxv. 1 ; Isa. vii. 14 ; Gen. iii. 15 ; and Judith ix. 5. 


230 On the ivords "0 Sapientia" in the Kalendar. 

" Antiphonse 0, quas ter dicuntur integre, primo scilicet ante Magnificat, 
secundo ante Gloria, tertio post Sicut erat ; vel si pro sola commemoratione 
dicantur, ter etiam hoc modo ; primo ante Gloria Patri, secundo inter Gloria et 
Sicut erat, tertio post Sicut erat." 

Lebrun Desmarettes, in his " Voyages Liturgiques " (1718), in his account of the 
Church of St. Maurice at Vienne, says (4) 

" On triomphoit les grandes Antiennes 0, c'est-a-dire, qu'on les repetoit apres 
chaque Verset de Magnificat, comme a Lyon, et comme on fait encore a Eouen 
trois fois au Magnificat et au Benedictus, des Fetes triples ou solennelles." 

He also gives us the use at the Church of St. John at Lyons, viz. 

" Les huit jours derniers avant Noel, . . . . on y triomphe 1'Antienne de 
Magnificat, .... c'est-a-dire qu'elle y est entremelee a chaque verset." 

And, in his account of the Collegiate Church of St. Paul at Lyons, he says : 

" Que les grandes Antiennes 0, huit jours avant Noel sont triomphees, c'est-a- 
dire chantees solennellement, et repetees ou entremelees apres chaque verset du 

This repetition of the Antiphon after each verse was called, "Antiphonarc," 
and in the old antiphonaries we frequently find such directions as " Hoc die Anti- 
phonamus ad. Benedictus," or, simply, "Hoc die antiphonamus ; " (20) and the 
"Venerable" Cardinal Thomasius (9) gives the old rubric of the eleventh century: 
" Has antiphonas, scilicet Sapientia, cum aliis sequentibus cotidie cantamus ad 
Benedictus, usque ad Festum Sanctas Lucias, excepta Dominica. Quas antiphona- 
mus ab, In sanctitate." 

This means that the repetition of the antiphon begins from the verse of 
Benedictus of which those are the first words, so the first seven verses of this 
Canticle were not followed by the great " " of the day, but only the last five ; 
but, as the Gloria Patri and Sicut erat were counted as verses, it made seven 
repetitions of each great " 0." 

And here it will be well to observe, that Hampson, in his Medii Evi Kalen- 
darium, is not quite happy when he says that the " O's " of Advent were sung 
instead (21) of the Magnificat ; nor can Canon Rich Jones be congratulated on a 
note he has appended to the " Register of St. Osmund " (22) (Rolls Series) when 
he says, " that Sapientia was the first of the antiphons of the Magnificat which 
was sung on December the 16th, in Advent, after the service of CompUn. 

"We cow come to what is, to me, very fascinating, and that which gives great 
"warmth and colour" (23) to the great O's, viz. the regulations we find, here 

On the words "0 Sapientia" in the Kalendar. 


and there, as to who shall give out the first words of each of these greater anti- 

At Salisbury there are two rubrics, (24) which tell the custom of that Church. 
They are : 

" Septimo decimo Kalendas Januarii semper incipietur Antiphona Sapientia. 
Bxcellentior persona qua? in choro prgesens fuerit incipiat Antiphonam." Then 
comes the text of Sapientia, followed by " Ista? antiphona? sequentes pro 
voluntate Cantoris singular in diversis Vesperis incipiantur ab excellentioribus 
personis post ilium qui Antiphonam ad primum incepit, gradatim per singulas 
personas descendendo, usque ad Yigiliam Natalis Domini." 

Dom Martene, O.S.B. gives the following as the custom at the great Abbey of 
Fleury (25) : 

The Abbot 

The Prior 

The " Hortolanus " (the Gardener) . 

The Cellarer 

The Treasurer ..... 

The " Praspositus " (the Provost) 

The "Armarius" (the Librarian) 

The " Magister operis erat a et Capicerius' 

sang O Sapientia. 


O Radix Jesse. 

Clavis David. 


,, Rex Gentium. 


, Virgo Virginum. 

Dom Francois Pommeraye, O.S.B. , in his Histoire de VEglise Cathedrale de 
Rouen, 1686 (pp. 619, 620), tells us that- 

The Chancellor of Rouen . 

The Dean ...... 

The Cantor 

The Treasurer ..... 
The Archdeacon of the Vexin (eastward 

of Rouen) ..... 
The Grand Archdeacon i.e. of the City 
The Senior Canon as representing the 

whole Chapter .... 
The Archbishop ..... 

gave out Sapientia. 


,, Radix Jesse. 

,, Clavis David. 

,, Oriens. 

Rex gentium. 


Virgo Virginum. 

n Should this be qui et ! 

232 On the words "0 Sapientia" in the Kalendar. 

At Angers, in France, in the last century" 

The Maitre-ecole (Chancellor) . . intoned Sapientia. 

The Archdeacon of Outre-Maine . . Adonai. 

The Archdeacon of Outre-Loire . . ,,0 Radix Jesse. 

The Treasurer ,,0 Clavis David. 

The Cantor ,,0 Oriens. 

The Grand Archdeacon i.e. of Angers . Rex gentium. 

The Dean ,,0 Emmanuel. 

The Bishop ,,0 Bone Pastor. 

There is a certain fitness in the Abbot, or the Chancellor, singing Sapientia, 
for he, in his abbey, or his schools, 

Fortiter, suaviterque, disponens omnia, 
teaches his monks, or his scholars, the 

Viam prudentice. 

So again, the Prior who sings Adonai is in many ways the Dux domus, and 
gives the " law." 

That the " Hortolanus," who looks after the gardens and orchards, should sing 
" Radix Jesse," is what all would expect : but in places Radix Jesse came to 
the turn of the Precentor, before whom all are silent ; yet methinks the monks at 
Abingdon, in the thirteenth century, were not far wrong when they assigned this 
great to their Prior. 

Nearly everywhere the Treasurer claimed the right to sing Clavis David, but 
at Fleury he sang Oriens, as the Cellarer had appropriated Clavis. 

When the Archdeacon (of the East) at Rouen sang Oriens, who can doubt 
but that it was fully understood, as also the fitness of the Archdeacon of the City 
of Rouen singing Rex gentium ? When the Dean sang Emmanuel, no doubt 
those who loved him thought of the meaning of that name. Again, think you 
not, that the layfolk in the nave, as well as the Canons in the choir, did not 
understand how fitting it was that the Shepherd of their souls should sing bone 
Pastor visita gregem? 

" Vide Ceremonial de I'Eglise d' Angers, dr. 1731, pp. 179, 183-4. 

On the words "0 Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 233 

I have now to speak of Pitances, as the great "0" Pitances must not be passed 
over in silence. And first let me say what a pitance (pitancia) is, viz. an addi- 
tional allowance of food made to the common fare. The officer charged with the 
distribution of the pitances was called the Pitanciarius, and the office of the 
pitancer the Pitanceria. 

In the Statutes of Saint Paul's Cathedral was one headed (26) 


and it ran as follows : 

'' Debet novus Kesidenciarius contra Natale 0. suum in Ecclesia intonare, et 
in domo sua tenere, post completorium totum chorum invitare, et Majores 
Canonicos in domibus suis invitare, et cenare volentibus cenam parare, et non 
cenantibus species tripartitas ter ministrare, cum cervisia in principio ; et, post 
species, cum vino albo et rubeo, et clareto, et cretensi vel vernagio, cum igne bono 
per medium domus." 

In the Historia ct Ada Gapitulorum Ecclesice Sarum is this statute (27) : 
"Anno gratige MCCXXIV. die translationis beati Benedict!, statutum fuit in 
capitulo Sarum, ut deinceps fiant potationes, qua3 soiebant fieri in hospitiis singu- 
lorum canonicorum, in inceptione antiphonarum vocalium, quge incipiunt per O. 
ante natale Domini in loco aliquo communi competenti, et de communi, et bibant, 
qui ibi fuerint, ter de communi cum luminaribus competentibus, et igne sine fumo, 
si fieri potest." 

In the "Rites of Durham," (Surtees Society, 1842, pp. 75 and 85,) we read 
that within the Common House the Master thereof did keep with the Prior and 
Convent his Sapientia, " a sollemne banquett of figs and reysinges, aile and 
caikes, and therof no superfluitie or excesse, but a scholasticall and moderat con- 
gratulacion amonges themselves." 

At the Benedictine Abbey of Abingdon the following was the rule (28) : 
" Abbas ' Sapientia ' ad Vesperas incipiet, et ad potum collationis in refec- 
torio vinum reperiet, debentque ceroferarii cum cereis ardentibus abbatem prse- 
cedere, conventu procedente, eo modo, eo ordine, quo disponitur processio ad 
collationem post mandatum Sabbatorum. Abbate absente, cantori incumbit 
incipere, vel aliquis incipiet cantoris innuitione ; sed quocumque incipiente, vinum 
ad potum collationis dabitur abbatis cura et dispositione." 

In the Benedictine Abbey at Bury Saint Edmunds, (2) the day before " 
Sapientia" and the day after the last great "0" had been sung were pitance days, 

234 On the words "0 Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 

as well as the seven days of the " O's," which made the pitance days number nine, 
and here the officer, whose duty it was to provide the pitance, was said" facere 
suum " ; and, as one is speaking here of Bury Saint Edmunds, one may add 
that the Vigil of the Vigil of Christmas was kept in a special manner in this abbey, 
which day of course always fell on December the 23rd. (29) 

In the famous Benedictine Abbey at Fleury, or of S. Benoit-sur-Loire, as it is 
often called, (30) I find the regulation (25) : 

" Ea die, qua canitur 0, pittantia de bono vino in refectorio ad prandium cum 
phialis propinanda es"t, et in vigilia Nativitatis Domini." 

There was also a pitance on all the days when an " " was sung in the Abbey 
of S. Germain des Pres; and in a Prague Breviary of 1517, before the greater 
antiphon, Clavis David, is the following rubric, against which the owner of the 
book has written a large N.B., and which inclines me to the belief that this book 
(which is now in the British Museum) belonged to the Sacrist or " Tumbarius " of 
the Church. 

" Item sacrista sive dominus Tumbarias debet fratribus suis ministrare : in 
potione et comestione sufficienti quando incipit hanc Antiphonam." 

Grancolas in 1727 tells us that: Parisiis, Cabillone (Chalon-sur-Saone) atque 
in aliis Ecclesiis dicebantur post Vesperas in Capitulo, vel in Refectorio, quo 
Processionis ritu se conferebant, cantabantque tria Responsoria Missus est, et duo 
alia, atque inde 0, duoque cerei accendebantur, qui Clero pradferebantur, eique in 
reditu lumen praebebant, atque interea major Campana pulsabatur. Eodem 
tempore collatio Clero dabatur, unde intelligimus, Canonicos tune jejunasse, atque 
in commune vixisse, et comedisse. Procedente vero tempore cum nonnulli abusus 
irrepsissent, collatio ista abrogata fuit, statutumque, ut in Choro caneretur. 
Parisiis anno 1545 decretum fuit, ut collatio ilia in pecuniam converteretur ; 
verum id nonnisi ab anno 1639 prasstitum. Ex hac caeremonia illud Parisiis 
superest, quod in Urbis Parochiis Campana pulsetur, dum canitur Magnificat 
Antiphonge ; quod signum erat ad eos, qui adesse volebant, admonendos ; in 
Cathedrali vero abolitum fuit, postquam in choro cantari coepit ; signum vero, 
quod post Magnificat editur, pro completorio est, quomodo singulis anni diebus edi 
solet. Parisiis, non secus ac in pluribus aliis Ecclesiis collatio ista solo Yini calice 
constabat, quod in vas aliquod versabatur pro illo, qui ca'ntabat 0, qui primus 
bibebat, atque post eum ordine ceteri omnes de choro. (Commentarius Historicus 
in Breviarium Romanum, Venice, 1734, lib. ii. cap. xi.) 

In conclusion, I have only to say that probably all who love English literature 

On the words " Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 235 

have read a tale, written in 1853, called Loss and Gain,(31) by H. B. Cardinal 
Newman. If so, who has forgotten the magnificent apology for the words of 

" the blessed mutter of the Mass " (32) 

being said quickly, which ends up with quotations from four of the " Great O's " ? 
Yiz. : 

SAPIENTIA fortiter suaviterque disponens omnia, ADONAI, CLAVIS DAVID, ET 
Expectatio gentium, Veni ad Salvandum nos, Domine Deus nosier. And again, in 
1866, Cardinal Newman (in his celebrated letter to Dr. Pusey on the Doctor's 
then recent Eirenicon, p. 123) speaks of "the great Antiplions, the heralds of 

And Fellows of the College of Physicians, I trust, will permit me to recall to 
their memory Dr. Charles West's Lumleian Lectures (read before the Royal College 
of Physicians in 1871), which ended with words taken from two of the greater 
Antiplions of the Roman Church, viz : 

Dux domus Israel, Rex gentium, et Desiderates earum, Veni et salva hominem 
quern de limoformasti! 

Lastly, I have to thank Mr. Edmund Bishop, of the Educational Department, 
Whitehall, for allowing me to "browse" in his magnificent Liturgical Library, and 
in which I culled the whole of my collection of Great O's. He has indeed made 
me his debtor, and his debtor I must be to the end. 

1 have also to tender my grateful thanks to Dr. Wickham Legg for lending 
me (for at least four weeks) many rare liturgical books, and whose motto seems 
to be 

" Repeal a good action never, 
Remember a Jcindness ever." 

To the late Dom Anselm Baker, O.Cist., of Charnwood Abbey, Leicestershire, 
Mrs. Fitzgerald, of Shalstone Manor, near Buckingham, the Kev. Hendrik Van 
Doorne, and Mr. W. H. J. Weale, I am also under obligation ; as well as to ' 
Miss Clara Metcalfe, the Rev. William John Blew, the Rev. William Cooke, Mr. 
Knight Watson, and Mr. E. C. Ireland ; and last, but not least, to Mr. Henry 
Salusbury Milman, for much kindly interest and advice from the day I began my 
paper until the day it was ended. 


236 On the ivords " Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 



The Spanish Franciscan, Francis Quignon (33), Cardinal Presbyter of the Title of 
Santa Croce in Gerusalemme (whose tomb in Rome, in that, the Sessorian Basilica, is probably 
familiar to most of us) " revised with a vengeance " and radically altered the Roman Breviary. 

Root and branch he abolished and lopped off much that was beautiful ; and in the first 
edition of 1535 no antiphons are to be found; and in the later editions that came out with the 
full sanction of Popes Paul III. and Julius III., they are few in number, and the great O's of 
Advent reduced to the three last, as they stand in the Roman Breviary of to-day, and were 
to be said as follows: Oriens at Matins, from the third Sunday in Advent to Christmas Eve: 
Bex Gentium at Lauds, and Emmanuel at Vespers. 

Happily this intolerably monotonous service book was rigidly suppressed by S. Pius V. by 
his Bull Quod a nobis postulat, dated the 25th of June, 1568 ; but it is worth while to bear in 
mind that the use of this Quignon Breviary was permitted from the time of Pope Paul III. to 
that of S. Pius V., viz. for 33 years, i. e. from 1535-1568. 

Also, it may interest some to know, that in the Mozarabic Breviary and in the Ambrosian 
Breviary, which last is still the proud possession of the See of Milan, no great G's are to be 


In the magnificent folio edition of the Breviarium Romanum, published at Antwerp in 1606 
(page 147), nfter each of the seven " Antiphonce majores," is the rubric " Deinde Kyrie Eleison" 
which looks as if it was the custom of the Church of Antwerp in 1606, to say the " Preces " on 
each of these nights. If so, it is the only instance I know of the "Preces " being said at Vespers 
on these seven days preceding the Vigil of Christmas. 

In many Churches on the Continent, where to-day it is no more practicable to recite the 
" Divine Office" (i. e. the Breviary Services) in public, the seven great G's of the Roman 
Breviary are sung before and after Magnificat at the Service of Benediction in the evenings of 
December 17th to December 23rd. In some Churches the Benediction is given with the Pix or 
Ciborium, and not with the Monstrance. In parts of Germany, the great of each day is 
splendidly illuminated on vellum, and is exposed all day on the lectern in the midst of the choir 
about which are two or more burning tapers of great size. The music of the seven Gregorian O's 
in the Ratisbon Vesperale is probably the most pure. It differs but little from the notation in the 
Mechlin Vesperale, which last most English antiquaries know through Mr. Helmore's Musical 
Accompaniment to the Hymnal Noted. 

On the words "0 Sapientia, " in the Kalendar. 237 


In Harleian MS. 1706 (fols. 3-8b), is a Metrical Kalendar attributed to Lydgate. In the 
Catalogue the MS. has this title : " A Kalandre in Englysh made in balade by dann John 
Lydgate Monke off Bury." In the thirty lines for December (fol. 8b) the three which relate to 
the "great O's " are : 

XIX. Kl. Graunte us in herte to ioye and syng. 
XVIII. Kl. W* all other seyntes in thy presence. 
XVII. Kl. Thy worthy swete songe sapience." 

This kalendar and book belonged to Elizabeth, daughter and co -heiress of Sir Richard Scrope 
of Bolton, co. York. She was wife first to William, Viscount Beaumont, who died s.p. 19 Dec. 
24 H. VII. 1507 ; and lastly to John Vere, Earl of Oxford, K.G. At folio 11 is : " Thys is my 
boke Elysabeth beamount." At folio 216 : " To my lyves end Elyzabeth Beaumount." And at 
folio 214b : " Thys yes my boke y Elysabet Oxyeforde." b 


At the end of Harleian MS. 45 is what the Catalogue calls " a Godly Ballade in Latin and 
English"; but it really is the Latin text of the eight great O's of the Sarum Breviary, with a 
metrical translation of each in English. (Vide folios 168, 169.) At the last page of this book, 
which is called " A Myrror to see God and himself: Vertue and Synne : for Lewde Men and 
Wymmen" are the words : 

" Iste liber costat cine Margarete Brente cum magno Honore. Amen." 

Then in red is added : " If any psone stele y s boke, 

He shal be hongyd by a hoke." 

And in Had' is added : " Or by the necke w' a rope." 


Sapiencia of y e ff'acler surmountyng all thyng, 
Procedyng from his mowth his hestis to fulfill. 
Alpha and Oo both end & begynnyng, 
{from end so to end dost atteyn and tyll, 
Disposyng ich werk swetly at his wyll. 
We the besiche lord w' humble reuence, 
Come y n and teche us y e ways of prudence." 1 

* Maskell, Monumenta Eitualia (1882), vol. iii. pp. 186, 187, 223, 225. Catalogue of Harleian 
MSS. vol. ii. p. 178. 

b Her will is dated 30 May, 1537, p. 6 Nov. 1537. She died s. p. 26 June, 1537. Buried at 
Wyvenhoe, co. Essex. (Scrope and Grosvenor Roll, vol. ii. p. 60). 

c ? If wife of Robert Brent of Cossington, co. Somerset, and daughter of Hugh Malet of 
Currypool. (Vide Collinson's Somerset, vol. iii. p. 436). 

d These seven first lines are given by Maskell in Monumenta Eitualia, 1882, vol. iii. p. 7. 


238 On the words "0 Sapientia" in the Kalendar. 


O Adonay chieff duke of Israeli, 
Which them conduced from thrall captivite, 
Apperyng to Moyses madist hym of counsell, 
In y e mount of Syna ther shewyng thy maieste, 
Tokyst hym thy law & a bushe fire flame. 
We lowly besich the lord omnypotent, 
Come and redeme in thy powre most extente. 


Radix Jesse most Souayne and excellent, 
Stondyng in godly signe of euy nacion. 
Tofore whome all kyngys y r mowthys shall stent, 
Beyng ryght mywet and styll as any stone, 
Shall knele in y* psence and mak depcacione. 
Them to dilyu & us all in a throwe, 
Sprakly blyssyd lorde be nott ther in slowe. 


Clams David of whom Isaias told. 
Hote septe me key to eche look well mett, 
Of Israeli I meane of Jacob I howsholde, 
Thowe opynyst lokes whych no wyght can shett, 
And closist ageyn y' cannott be unshett. 
Lowse us y 1 psoners bounden in wrechidnesse, 
Off synne shadowed w* mortall derknesse. 


Oriens, splendor of eulastyng lyght, 
Whos bemys transcende the comyn clerenesse, 
Of sonne or mono for we of very ryght, 
The clepe y e bryght sonne of trowth ryght wysness, 
Which iustise and mercy eche wrong do redresse. 
To y e we clepe w* all oure hert & brethe, 
To lyght us y 1 sytt in y e derknesse of del he. 


Rex Gentium whom all people disire 
To hono and love w* herty affeccione, 
The corner stone y' craftly browjth nyre, 

On the ivords " O Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 


The both testamentis makyng y em one, 
old & newe madest lawfully vnyon, 
Save lord mankynd thy most noble creture, 
Made of vile erthe to resemble y' fayre figure. 


Emanuel owre souayne lord & kyng, 
In whom we crystene mene trust I especiall. 
Geve to Thy suggetis grace by good lykyng, 
Wele to pforeme y' pceptis legalle, 
And save us thy servauntis from myschefF all, 
Thus we pray owre graciouse Savyowre, 
Owr loi'd owre godd owre lovyng redemptore. 

Virgo Virginum all pereless I vertu, 
Wymmen of ienlm muse on y 8 mater, 
How y n a maydyn art the moder of Jhu, 
Katheles if ony of them y s secretly entire, 
Swet lady then shortly make to y cm y s answere, 
The hye mygth of God y 8 mystery first begane, 
Z e dameseles of jerm why wonder 30 so thane. 


Daniel, in his Thesaurus Hymnologicus (1855, torn. ii. p. 336) gives the following sequence 
or hymn, which is little more than a versification of five of the Great O's of the Roman Church. 
If two verses are wanting, viz., the SAPIENTIA, and the REX GENTIUM, is a question. At 
present, the history of this sequence or hymn seems to be unknown, but it has been ascribed to 
the thirteenth centurv. 


Veni, Veni EMMANUEL, 
(Japtivum solve Israel, 
Qui gemit in exilio, 
Privatus Dei Filio. 
Gaude, gaude, Emmanuel 
Nascetur pro te, Israel. 


Ex hostis tuos ungula, 
De specu tuos tartari 
Educ, et antro barathri. 
Gaude, etc. 


Veni, Veni OMENS, 
Solare nos adveniens, 
Noctis depelle nebulas, 
Dirasque noctis tenebras. 
Gaude, etc. 


Regna reclude co3lica, 
Fac iter tutum superum, 
Et claude vias inferum. 
Gaude, etc. 


On the words " Sapientia " in the Kalendar. 


Veni, Veni ADONAI 
Qui populo in Sinai 
Lcgcm dedisti vertice, 
In majestate glorias, 
Gaude, etc. 


In the Consuetudinarittm sive Liber Niger, Ecclesics Lincolniensis, cap. clxv. (Edited by H. E. 
Reynolds), we find that, in the ferias, when " " is sung, the Lady-bells at Lincoln rang five 
times for Vespers, as if each day was a feast with " Ruled choir," on account of the solemnity " 0." 


John Aubrey, in his Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme, written in 1686-7, under the 
heading West of England Customs, says, " Sapientia (Decemb. 16) is a great day observed by 
the Schoole-boies ; and (I thinke) was before the Civil- Warres bv the Undergraduates at Oxford: 
if not likewise by the Bachelors of Art." (Folk-Lo?-e Society, 1881, vol. iv. p. 41.) 

The seven " Great 0'" of the Roman Church are founded on the following passages of 

the Vulgate. 

I. Sapientia. 

Eccl. xxiv. 1,5. Apoc. xxii. 20. 

Sap. viii. 1. 

Judith xvi. 16. 
Exod. vi. 3. 
i. Para, xvii 7. 

Isa. xi. 10. 
Isa. lii. 15. 

Isa. xxii. 22. 
Apoc. iii. 7 

Zach. vi. 12. 
Luc. i. 78. 

II. AdonaL 

iv. Reg. xvii. 36. 
III. Radix Jesse. 

IV. Clams David. 

V. Orient. 
Luc. i. 79. 

Isa. xl. 14. 

Exod. iii. 2. 
Act. vii. 30. 
Exod. vi. 6. 

Isa. xi. 10. 
Psal. xxxix. 18. 

Isa. xlii. 7. 
Luc. i. 79. 

Sap. vii. 26. 
Malac. iv. 2. 

On the words " Sapientia" in the Kalendar. 
VI. Rex Gentium. 


Jer. x. 7. 

Agg. ii. 8. 

Isa - vii - 14 - 
Isa - viii - 8 - 

Gen. ii. 7. 
VII. Emmanuel. 

Gen. xlix. 10. 

Isa. xxviii. 16. 
Eph. ii. 14, 20. 

Matt. i. 23. 
Isa. xxxiii. 22. 


(1) Hone, Every-day-Book, vol. i. p. 1571. 
Brady, Clavis Calendarta, vol. ii. p. 323. 

Blunt, Annotated Book of Common Prayer (1884), p. 176. 

(2) Sparrow Simpson, Registrum Stat. et Cons. S. Pauli, p. 93. 

(3) Maskell, Monwnenta Ritualia (1882), vol. iii. pp. 275-282. 

(4) Lebrun Desmarettes (De Moleon), Voyages Liturgiques (1718), pp. 13, 65, 72. 

(5) Encyclopedia Britannica (1876), p. 263. 

Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary (1884), sub v. " Breviary," p. 94. 

(6) Odericus, Ordo officiorum Eccl. Senensis, A.D. 1213 (Ed. Trombelli, 17G6), pp. 19, 20, De 

antiphonis qua? incipiunt 0. 

(7) La Belle Dame sans Mercie, v. Third Stanza of The Envoy. 

(8) Amalarins, (ed. Hittorpius, Paris, 1610). De Ordine Antiphonarii, pp. 519-523. 

(9) Thomasius, Opera omnia (Ed. Vezzosi, 1749), vol. iv. p. 27. 

(10) Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary, sub v. ''Mary, Feasts of," p. 561. 

(11) Gueranger, L'Annee Liturgique (Mans, 1841). UAvent Liturgique, pp. 466-74. 

(12) Hampson, Medii ^Evi Kalendarium, vol. ii. pp. 127, 177-9. 

(13) De Rubeis, Dissertationes Duce (Venice, 1754), pp. 453, 478. 

(14) Neale, Essays on Liturgiology (1867), p. 511. 

(15) Martene, De Antiquis Monachorum Rit., lib. ii. cap. iv. para. v. 

(16) Wilkins, Concilia, vol. i. p. 331. 

(17) Durandus (1286), Rationale Divinorum Officiurn, lib. vi. cap. xi. 

(18) Romsee, Opera Liturgica (1791 and 1838), torn. iii. pp. 9, 10. 

( 1 9) Grancolas, Commenlarius Historicus in Romanum Breviarium (Venice, 1734), pp. 90-1, 205-9. 

(20) Hotham, in Smith and Cheetham, Diet. Christ. Antiq. vol. i. sub v. "Antiphon," p. 98. 

242 On the words "O Sapientia" in the Kalendar. 

(21) Hampson, Medii ^Evi Kalend. vol. ii. p. 127. 

(22) Register of S. Osmund (Rolls Series), vol. ii. p. 9, n. 2. 

(23) Tennyson, Guinevere, line 640. 

(24) Bremarium ad usum Sarum (Cambridge, 1882), pp. cliv.-v. 

(25) Martene, De Antiq. Monachorwn Rit. lib. iii. cap. ii. par. xxxiii. 

(26) Sparrow Simpson, Regist. Stat. et Cons. S. PauK, p. 128. 

(27) Wilkins?, Concilia, vol. i. p. 555. 

(28) C/ironicon Monast. de Abingdon (Rolls Series, 1858), vol. ii. p. 355. 

(29) MS. Liturgical Collections, by Edmund Bishop. 

(30) Migne, Dictionnaire des Ablayes et Monasteres (1856), p. 294. 

(31) Cardinal Newman, Loss and Gain, Part II. c. xx. 

(32) Browning, Lyrics, Romances, Men and Women (1863, p. 372), "The Bishop orders his tomb 
at Saint Praxed's Church." 

(33) Migne, Dictionnaire des Cardinaux (1857), p. 1430. 
Ciaconius, vol. iii. p. 496. 

Neale, Comm. on the Psalms, vol. i. pp. 22-3. 
Neale, Essays on Liturgiology (1867), pp. 2-4. 

(34) Clichtoveus (1515), Elucidatorium Ecclesiasticum ad Officiurn, pp. 88-90. 
Schultingius (1599), Bibliotheca Ecclesiastics, torn. iii. pars. i. p. 14. 
Gavantus, 1651, Thesaurus Sacrorum Rituitm, torn. ii. sec. vi. cap. ii. 
Saussay, 1654, Panoplia Sacerdotalis, p. 326. 

ENDING SECT. MAY 2 7 1975